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Fig. I. Greek \\ ine Jar. Frontispiece 



A SOURCE BOOK OF 
GREEK HISTORY 



BY 



FRED MORROW FLING, Ph.D. 

PROFESSOR OF EUROPEAN HISTORY IN THE 
UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 



" For the whole earth is the sepulchre of famous men ; not 
only are they commemorated by columns and inscriptions in 
their own country, but in foreign lands there dwells also an 
unwritten memorial of them, graven not on stone but in the 
hearts of men." — Thucydides, II. 43 (Jowett). 



BOSTON, U.S.A. 
D. C. HEATH & CO., PUBLISHERS 

1907 



lir 



c^. 



LIBRARY of CONGRESS 
Two Qooies Received 

APS 9 1907 

Cooynjrht Entrv 

CLASS A XXc, No 

'COHY B. 




•^■^. 



Copyright, 1907, 
By D. C. Heath & Co. 



• a 



^ 



PREFACE 

During the past fifteen years the question of the use of 
sources in the teaching of history in secondary schools has occu- 
pied somewhat constantly the attention of history teachers and 
has given rise to a considerable controversial literature. The 
discussion has evidently passed through a first stage, and one 
thing, at least, seems to be settled : it is the opinion of the best 
trained teachers of history the country over that historical 
sources should be used in the secondary schools. That the 
publishers of text-books believe that there is a demand for this 
kind of material and that the demand is likely to increase is 
demonstrated by the number of source books issued in the last 
few years. Another proof of the change that has come over the 
teaching of history is found in the recent historical narratives 
intended for secondary schools and in revised editions of old 
texts. In all of these books, a prominent place is given to 
references to the sources. 

If the question " Shall sources be used ? " may be regarded as 
settled in the affirmative, the further question " How shall sources 
be used ? " is still a matter of controversy. The common prac- 
tice is to use them as collateral reading or as " illustrative mate- 
rial." In regard to the benefits derived from this use of source 
material, there is no difference of opinion. It is only when the 
possibility of doing something more than simply substitute 
sources for secondary narratives in the assignment of collateral 
reading, the possibility- of doing something with sources that 
cannot be done with secondary narratives is pointed out, — it is 
only then that the trouble begins. Before speaking of this 
second use of the sources, I wish to state briefly whiat the con- 

iii 



iv PREFACE 

trolling motives were in the construction of the present source 
book. 

It was my aim to make a collection of sources that would 
reflect the life and thought of the Greek people, and, to some 
degree, the evolution of that life and thought. The Greeks are 
distinguished for their work in literature, art, and philosophy. 
To arouse in the pupil some feeling for the beauty of Greek 
literature and Greek art, I have incorporated into the text 
extracts of somewhat unusual length, and have used a con- 
siderable number of full-page photographs. The first are 
intended to be read as literature and the last are to be looked 
at again and again until they have become a permanent part of 
the mental resources of the pupil. Many of the extracts should 
be read aloud, some might even be committed and recited. 
This side of the work should not be overdone. The teacher 
should lead the pupil gently on, should endeavor to place him 
in the right attitude so that he may fall under the spell of these 
great works. Without dwelling too long at one time upon this 
extract or that photograph, let him come back again and again, 
with gentle insistence, until at length the pupil begins to feel 
the old Greek masters speaking to him out of poem or speech, 
statue or temple. If this atmosphere can be created about the 
historical events, it will give them a reality such as we seem to 
find in the historical novel. The difTerence would be that here 
we would have a real historical atmosphere and not the creation 
of the brain of a modern novelist. If this work is properly 
done, it may not be difficult to induce the pupil to read a play 
of Sophocles, the whole of the Iliad, a book or two of Herodotus, 
the whole of Thucydides, several speeches of Demosthenes, 
some of the Lives of Plutarch, and even the Apology of Plato, in 
place of less valuable reading. An enthusiastic teacher, one 
who loves these things himself and is able to communicate his 
enthusiasm to his pupils, will accomplish something that is 
really worth while, even with young pupils. 



PREFACE V 

By the majority of teachers, these sources will probably be 
used as " illustrative material " and to introduce the pupil to 
Greek literature and art. While I am very much in favor 
of these uses, I wish to make a strong plea in favor of a further 
use, to my mind one of the most important uses to which the 
sources can be put ; I mean the critical study of them. So long 
as the pupil does not appreciate the relation of the source to 
the event, of the affirmation of a witness to the fact he* affirms, 
of the process by which we reconstruct the past, reflected im- 
perfectly and often incorrectly in the sources, so long as he 
accepts without question the results of the investigations of 
another, just so long must he be regarded as without insight 
into the real meaning of historical study. I do not advocate 
the substitution of source study for the study of secondary nar- 
ratives, nor do I believe that all sources should be studied 
intensively ; but I do believe that the critical study of the sources 
should be made the very foundation-stone of historical instruc- 
tion. But what is meant by the " critical study of the sources " ? 
Naturally, something rather simple for the first year of the high 
school, something fairly solid for the last year, if the pupil 
studies history during the four years. The teacher should have 
a good knowledge of what the historical method is ; a knowledge 
derived both from practical experience in research work and 
from a good text on method. He must have this preparation, 
if he would do his work effectively ; but he will not attempt to 
teach the method systematically in the class. What he can do, 
I have endeavored to show in the questions appended to the 
extracts. If he does what he can do intelligently and keeps 
doing it, the bo}^ who has not gained some insfght into the 
meaning of critical historical work before the year is out will 
be stupid indeed. 

If the teacher does not feel equal to this sort of work, he may 
omit the questions upon evidence. ^If he would like to attempt 
it but does not feel quite sure of himself, let him choose the 



vi PREFACE 

easier problems, leaving the more difficult ones for the future. 
These questions upon evidence can sometimes be answered by 
a study of the source extract, sometimes it is necessary to make 
use of the information in the critical bibliography, and, finally, 
sometimes they cannot be answered at all, or can be answered 
only by way of conjecture. For instance, the question might 
be, '^ Where did Thucydides obtain his information about the 
Sicilian expedition ? " Possibly the extract gives no informa- 
tion, and nothing is found in the bibliographical notice that 
seems to cast any light on the problem. It is clear that Thu- 
cydides was not in Sicily and could not have described the 
events as an eye-witness, as he did in the case of the plague. 
He must have learned of the events from others, either in the 
Peloponnesus, or in Athens after his return from banishment. 
The object of these questions is to impress the thought that this 
indirect information is less valuable than the statements of a 
good eye-witness, and that the less we know of the sources of 
information from which a writer drew, the less confidence we 
have in his statements. 

Among the more difficult questions are those touching the 
relationship of the sources. I have given a few examples of this 
kind, quoting from three sources, at times, that the pupil may 
have a chance to see that they often draw from one another, and 
that it is only by the agreement of independent sources that the 
truth is determined. One of the main purposes of this critical 
work is to make the pupil comprehend the uncertainty and 
unreliability of much of our information upon Greek history, 
and that this is due to the character of the evidence with which 
we are obliged to work. A further purpose is to bring out the 
idea that in history the only '' authority " is the source, and that 
the writer of a historical narrative cannot take refuge behind 
the dogma of infallibility, but must prove all that he asserts 
by the citation of evidence. 

The intensive and critical work, if it is to be profitable, must 



PREFACE vii 

be exact. If certain questions are assigned the class for a 
certain day, the answers should be carefully written out and the 
proof cited before the recitation. The classroom work should 
not consist simply in reading the answers, but in testing the 
answers by a comparison with the evidence — the sourcebooks 
should always be open on the desks — and in bringing out the 
points that have been overlooked. After a topic has been 
worked over, an outline may be made and then, without any 
assistance, the pupil should be able to give an oral account 
of the period. 

The source work may be carried on in connection with the 
narrative text, or special days may be set aside for it. A satis- 
factory way is to assign questions calling for the use of a variety 
of material, sources, maps, pictures, and narratives, and to indi- 
cate exactly what this material is and where it is to be found. 
In his answer, the pupil should state what material has been 
studied. The narrative should be used to supplement the 
sources, when both deal with the same topic. 

A book like this, if properly used, should give the teacher of 
history an inspiration and an uplift similar to that drawn by 
the teacher of science from work in the laboratory. He is 
learning himself, and he is trying to teach his pupils how to 
attain to historical truth. If an important part of education is 
to learn how results are obtained and not simply to know what 
the results are, then historical method should have a place in 
the teaching of history. Such work is certain to make better 
and more enthusiastic teachers by pointing the way to the mas- 
tery of the subject and by laying the foundations of independent 
judgment. 

In the compilation of this volume, I am under great obliga- 
tions to my wife, Helene Dresser Fling, who undertook the 
entire burden of preparing the extracts for the press and of 

making the index. 

FRED MORROW FLING. 
The University of Nebraska. 



CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY ...... i 

A. Greek Life as shown in the Iliad and the Odyssey i 

a. P'amily Life ......... i 

b. Occupations ......... 8 

c. Government . ... . . . . . . \^ 

d. Warfare 17 

e. Religion . . . . . . . . . .18 

B. The Life of the Greek Farmer according to Hesiod 23 



II. COLONIZATION 

Greek Life on the Coasts of the Mediterranean 

III. UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE . 

A. Oracles 

B. Amphictyonies 

C. Games and Festivals .... 



IV. 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 

A. Spartan Conquests and Spartan Society 

a. Conquest of the Peloponnesus . 

b. Spartan Society ..... 

B. Development of the xAfhenian Constitution 
<7. Unification of Attica .... 

b. The Athenian Constitution before Draco 

c. Changes made by Draco in the Constitution 

d. Reformation of the Government and Society by 

e. The Tyranny of Pisistratus and of his Sons 

f. The Reforms of Cleisthenes . . 

ix 



Solon 



29 
29 

41 
41 

45 
47 

54 

54 
54 
5^ 
77 
11 
1^ 
80 
81 
86 
94 



^ CONTENTS 

PAGE 

V. WARS WITH THE PERSIANS AND WITH THE CAR- 
THAGINIANS 98 

A. Wars with the Persians 98 

a. Persian Customs ........ 98 

b. The Second Invasion. Marathon 99 

c. The Third Invasion 105 

(i) The Persian Army 105 

(2) Thermopylae 108 

(3) Salamis 118 

(4) Plataea 128 

(5) Mycale 137 

B. The War with Carthage 142 

VI. THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS . , . . .144 

A. The Confederacy of Delos 144 

a. The Rebuilding of Athens . . . . . . 144 

b. Formation of the Confederacy 148 

B. The Athenian Constitution afier the Persian Wars 152 

C. Athenian Policy toward the Allies . . . -157 

D. Greek Life and Thought as reflected in the Drama 159 

VII. THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS . . . . . .174 

A. The Ten Years' War 174 

a. Condition of Greece and Resources of the Belligerents . 174 

b. Funeral Oration of Pericles 178 

c. The Plague at Athens 186 

d. The Siege of Platcea 191 

e. The Siege of Sphacteria 194 

/ Truce of 423 B.c 204 

g. Peace of Nicias, 421 B.c 207 

B. The Sicilian Expedition 211 

C. The War in the ^g^^an 230 

a. Return of Alcibiades 230 

b. Battle of ^Egospotami 232 

c. The Fall of Athens 234 



CONTENTS xi 

PAGE 

VIII. SOCRATES AND HIS TEACHING 240 

IX. THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 250 

A. Agesilaus in Asia Minor 250 

B. The Corinthian War 251 

a. Persia uses Gold against Sparta 251 

b. The Battle of Coronea 252 

c. Persia the Arbiter in the Affairs of Greece . . . 254 

d. The Peace of Antalcidas . . . . . .257 

C. The Spartans seize the Citadel of Thebes . . 261 

X. THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 266 

A. The Liberation of Thebes 266 

B. The Battle of Leuctra ....... 269 

C. The Thebans invade Laconia ..... 276 

D. Epaminondas attacks Sparta. Battle of Mantineia 278 

XI. MACEDONIA CONQUERS THE GREEK STATES . . 286 

XII. THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER .... 296 

A. The Sources of Arrian's Anabasis .... 296 

B. Evolution of the Phalanx . . . . '. . 297 

C. Battle of Issus 298 

D. Siege of Tyre 300 

E. The Battle of Arbela 308 

F. Pursuit of Darius 316 

G. The Death of Clitus 318 

H. Alexander Wounded 321 

J. The Death of Alexander 325 

XIII. THE ACH^AN LEAGUE 330 

APPENDIX I. BIBLIOGRAPHY 339 

APPENDIX II. REMARKS AND QUESTIONS ON THE ILLUS- 
TRATIONS 350 

INDEX . . .' • . 359 



ILLUSTRATIONS 



FIGURE 

I. Greek Wine Jar 



2. Group from a Funeral Monument 

3. Papyrus 

4. Resting at a Wayside Herm 

5. Sculptured Drum 

6. Venus of Melos . 

7. The Acropolis of Athens . 

8. Portion of Themistoclean Wall 

9. East Front of the Parthenon . 

10. north\yest corner of parthenon 

11. Slab of the Parthenon Frieze (North) 

12. Women at the Fountain . 



13. The Erectheum . 

14. Games 

15. Temple of Poseidon at P.^stum 

16. Altar of Dionysus 

17. Bema 

18. posidippus .... 

19. A Decree of Council . 

20. A Musical Contest 

21. Entablature 

22. Victory of Samothrace 

23. Theatre at Epidaurus 

24. Portrait of a Young Woman 

25. A Citizen with his Two Sons 



Frontispiece 

PAGE 

facing 22 
. 28 
. 40 



y 



facing 42 ■ 
64 



• 97 
facing 1 10 

" 138 
162 

facing 188 
" 212 
" 236 



• 239 
. 265 

facing 280 
. 285 

• 295 
facing 302 



. 329 
facing 336 



xiu 



SOURCE BOOK 

OF 

GREEK HISTORY 



I. PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 

A. Greek Life as shown in the Iliad and the Odyssey 
a. Family Life 

Iliad, p. 381 

1. Also he fashioned therein two fair cities of mortal men. In 
the one were espousals and marriage feasts and beneath the blaze 
of torches they were leading the brides from their chambers through 
the city, and loud arose the bridal song. And young men were 
whirling in the dance, and among them flutes and viols sounded 
high ; and the women, standing each at her door, were marvelling. 

Odyssey, p. 36 

2. Now the renowned minstrel was singing to the wooers and 
they sat Hstening in silence; and his song was the pitiful return 
of the Achaeans. . . . And from her upper chamber the daughter 
of Icarius, wise Penelope, caught the glorious strain, and she 
went down the high stairs from her chamber. . . . Then she fell 
a weeping, and spake unto the divine minstrel: ^^ . . Cease 
from this pitiful strain, that ever wastes my heart within my breast." 



2 SOURCE ROOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Then wise Telemachus answered her, and said: "O my 
mother why then dost thou grudge the sweet minstrel to gladden 
us as his spirit moves him ? . . . Howbeit go to thy chamber and 
mind thine own housewiferies, the loom and distaff, and bid thy 
handmaids ply their tasks. But speech shall be for men, for all, 
but for me in chief; for mine is the lordship in the house." 

Odyssey, p. 34 

3. "As for the wooers, bid them scatter each one to his own, 
and for thy mother, if her heart is moved to marriage, let her go 
back to the hall of that mighty man her father, and her kinsfolk 
will furnish a wedding feast, and array the gifts of wooing exceed- 
ing many, all that should go back with a daughter dearly beloved." 

Odyssey, p. 44 

4. Then wise Telemachus answered him, saying: ^'Antinous, 
I may in nowise thrust forth from the house, against her will, the 
woman that bare me, that reared me : while as for my father, he is 
abroad on the earth, whether he be alive or dead. Moreover it is 
hard for me to make heavy restitution to Icarius, as needs I must, if 
of mine own will I send my mother away. For I shall have evil at 
his hand, at the hand of her father, and some god will give me more 
besides, for my mother will call down the dire Avengers as she 
departs from the house, and I shall have blame of men ; surely then 
I will never speak this word.'' 

Odyssey, pp. 133, 134 
5. And he had fifty handmaids in the house, and some grind the 
yellow grain on the millstone, and others weave webs and turn 
the yarn as they sit, restless as the leaves of the tall poplar tree ; 
and the soft olive oil drops ofif that linen so closely is it woven. 
For as the Phieacian men are skilled beyond all others in driving 
a swift ship upon the deep, even so are the women the most cunnmg 
at the loom, for Athene hath given them notable wisdom in all fair 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 3 

handiwork and cunning wit. And without the courtyard hard by 
the door is a great garden, of four ploughgates, and a hedge runs 
round on either side. And there grow tall trees blossoming; 
pear trees, and pomegranates, and apple trees with bright fruit, 
and sweet figs, and olives in their bloom. The fruit of these trees 
never perisheth, neither faileth, winter or summer, enduring 
through all the year. Evermore the west wind blowing brings 
some fruit to birth and ripens others. Pear upon pear waxes old, 
and apple on apple, yea and cluster ripens upon cluster of the 
grape, and fig upon fig. There too hath he a fruitful vineyard 
planted, whereof the one part is being dried by the heat, a sunny 
spot on level ground, while other grapes men are gathering, and yet 
others they are treading in the wine-press. In the foremost row 
are unripe grapes that cast the blossoms, and others there be that 
are growing black to vintaging. There, too, skirting the farthest 
line, are all manner of garden beds, planted trimly, that are per- 
petually fresh, and therein are two fountains of water, whereof 
one scatters its streams all about the garden, and the other runs over 
against it beneath the threshold of the courtyard, and issues by 
the lofty house, and thence did the townsfolk draw water. 

Odyssey, pp. 29, 30 

6. And when they were now within the lofty house, he set her 
$pear that he bore against a tall pillar, within the polished spear- 
stand, where stood many spears besides, even those of Odysseus 
of the hardy heart; and he led the goddess and seated her on a 
goodly carven chair, and spread a linen cloth thereunder, and 
beneath was a footstool for her feet. 

Then a handmaid bare water for the washing of hands in a goodly 
golden ewer, and poured it forth over a silver basin to wash withal, 
and drew to their side a polished table. And a grave dame bare 
wheaten bread and set it by them, and laid on the board many 
dainties, giving freely of such things as she had by her. And a 



4 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

carver lifted and placed by them platters of divers kinds of flesh, 
and nigh them he set golden bowls, and a henchman walked to 
and fro pouring out to them the wine. 

Odyssey, p. 51 

7. But he stepped down into the vaulted treasure-chamber of 
his father, a spacious room, where gold and bronze lay piled, and 
raiment in coffers, and fragrant oHve oil in plenty. And there 
stood casks of sweet w^ine and old, full of the unmixed drink 
divine, all orderly ranged by the wall. . . . And the close- 
fitted doors, the folding doors w^ere shut, and night and day there 
abode within a dame in charge, who guarded all in the fulness of 
her w^isdom. 

Odyssey, p. 39 

8. But Telemachus, where his chamber was builded high up in 
the fair court in a place with wide prospect, thither betook him to 
his bed, pondering many thoughts in his mind ; and with him went 
trusty Eurycleia, and bare for him torches burning. She was the 
daughter of Ops, son of Peisenor, and Laertes bought her on a 
time with his wealth, while as yet she was in her first youth, and 
gave for her the worth of twenty oxen. . . . She went with 
Telemachus and bare for him the burning torches : and of all the 
women of the household she loved him the most, and she had 
nursed him when a little one. Then he opened the doors of the 
well-builded chamber and sat him on the bed and took off his soft 
doublet, and put it in the wise old woman's hands. So she folded 
the doublet and smoothed it, and hung it on a pin by the jointed 
bedstead, and went forth on her way from the room, and pulled 
to the door with the silver handle, and drew home the bar with the 
thong. There, all night through, wTapt in a piece of wool, he 
meditated in his heart upon the journey that Athene had showed 
him. * 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 5 

Odyssey, p. 50 

9. He went on his way toward the house, heavy at heart, and 
he found the noble wooers in the halls flaying goats and singeing 
swine in the court. 

Odyssey, pp. 120, 121 

10. Therewith he called to his men, and they gave ear, and with- 
out the palace they made ready the smooth-running mule-wain, 
and led the mules beneath the yoke, and harnessed them under the 
car, while the maiden brought forth from her bower the shining 
raiment ; this she stored in the polished car, and her mother filled a 
basket with all manner of food to the heart's desire, dainties too 
she set therein, and she poured wine into a goat-skin bottle, while 
Nausicaa climbed into the wain. And her mother gave her soft 
olive oil also in a golden cruse, that she and her maidens might 
anoint themselves after the bath. Then Nausicaa took the w^hip 
and the shining reins, and touched the mules to start them; then 
there was a clatter of hoofs, and on they strained without flagging, 
with their load of the raiment and the maiden. Not alone did she 
go, for her attendants followed with her. 

Now when they were come to the beautiful stream of the river, 
where truly the unfailing cisterns, and bright water welled up free 
from beneath and flowed past, enough to wash the foulest gar- 
ments clean, there the girls unharnessed the mules from under 
the chariot, and turning them loose they drove them along the 
banks of the eddying river to graze on the honey-sweet clover. 
Then they took the garments from the wain, in their hands, and 
bore them to the black water, and briskly trod them down in the 
trenches, in busy rivalry. Now^ when they had washed and 
cleansed all the stains, they spread all out in order along the shore 
of the deep, even where the sea, in beating on the coast, washed 
the pebbles clean. Then having bathed and anointed them well 
with olive oil, they took their mid-day meal on the river's banks, 



6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

waiting until the clothes should dry in the brightness of the sun. 
Anon, when they were satisfied with food, the maidens and the 
princess, they fell to playing at ball, casting away their tires, and 
among them Nausicaa of the white arms began the song. 

Iliad^ pp. 124, 126 

II. Then great Hector of the glancing helm answered her: 
^^ Surely I take thought for all these things, my wife; but I have 
very sore shame of the Trojans and Trojan dames with trailing 
robes, if like a coward I shrink away from battle. Moreover mine 
own soul forbiddeth me, seeing I have learned ever to be valiant and 
fight in the forefront of the Trojans, wanning my father's great glory 
and mine own. 

^' Yea of a surety I know this in heart and soul; the day shall come 
for holy IKos to be laid low and Priam and the folk of Priam of 
the good ashen spear. Yet doth the anguish of the Trojans here- 
after not so much trouble me, neither Hekabe's own, neither King 
Priam's, neither my brethren's, the many and brave that shall 
fall in the dust before their foemen, as doth thy anguish in the day 
when some mailclad Achaian shall lead thee weeping and rob 
thee of the light of freedom. So shalt thou abide in Argos and ply 
the loom at another woman's bidding, and bear water from fount 
Messeis or Hypereia, being grievously entreated, and sore con- 
straint shall be laid upon thee. And then shall one say that 
beholdeth thee weep: 'This is the wife of Hector, that was fore- 
most in battle of the horse-taming Trojans when men fought 
about Ilios.' Thus shall one say hereafter, and fresh grief shall 
be thine for lack of such an husband as thou hadst to ward off 
the day of thraldom. But me in death may the heaped-up earth 
be covering, ere I hear thy crying and thy carrying into captivity." 

So spake glorious Hector, and stretched out his arm to his boy. 
But the child shrunk crying to the bosom of his fair-girdled nurse, 
dismayed at his dear father's aspect, and in dread at the bronze 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 7 

and horse-hair crest that he beheld nodding fiercely from the 
helmet's top. Then his dear father laughed aloud, and his lady 
mother; forthwith glorious Hector took the helmet from his head, 
and laid it, all gleaming, upon the earth; then kissed he his dear 
son and dandled him in his arms, and spake in prayer to Zeus and 
all the gods: "O Zeus and all ye gods, vouchsafe ye that this my 
son may likewise prove even as I, preeminent amid the Trojans, 
and as valiant in might, and be a great king of IHos. Then may 
men say of him, ^Far greater is he than his father,' as he return- 
eth home from battle ; and may he bring with him blood-stained 
spoils from the foeman that he has slain, and may his mother's heart 
be glad.'' 

So spake he, and laid his son in his dear wife's arms ; and she 
took him to her fragrant bosom, smihng tearfully. And her hus- 
band had pity to see her, and caressed her with his hand, and spake 
and called upon her name : ''Dear one, I pray thee be not of over- 
sorrowful heart ; no man against my fate shall hurl me to Hades ; 
only destiny, I ween, no man hath escaped, be he coward or be he 
valiant, when once he hath been born. But go thou to thine house 
and see to thine own tasks, the loom and distaff, and bid thy hand- 
maidens ply their work; but for war shall men provide, and I in 
chief of all men that dwxll in Ilios." 

So spake glorious Hector, and took up his horse-hair crested 
helmet; and his dear wife departed to her home, oft looking back, 
and letting fall big tears. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe the marriage customs and ceremonies of this period. 
2. What was the legal position of the wife in the household? 3. De- 
scribe a house and grounds. 4. Make a complete enumeration of the 
household furniture and utensils. 5. What was the work of the house- 
hold? 6. Who did it? 7. What did the people eat and drink, and 
what did they wear? 8. Where did they obtain their food and cloth- 



8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

ing? 9. How did they prepare it and how serve it? 10. How were 
the houses Hghted and heated? 11. What were the occupations and 
amusements of this period? 12. Were these peoples highly civilized? 
13. How did this life differ from that of our time? 14. Read aloud 
the parting of Hector from Andromache, one of the most beautiful 
passages in the Iliad. 

b. Occupations and Classes 

Iliad, pp. 382, 383 

1. Furthermore he set in the shield a fresh-ploughed field, rich 
tilth and wide, the third time ploughed; and many ploughers 
therein drave their yokes to and fro as they wheeled about. When- 
soever they came to the boundary of the field and turned, then 
would a man come to each and give into his hands a goblet of 
swTet wine, w^hile others w^ould be turning back along the furrows, 
fain to reach the boundary of the deep tilth. And the field grew 
black behind and seemed as it w^ere a-ploughing, albeit of gold, 
for this w^as the great marvel of the work. 

Furthermore he set therein a demesne-land deep in corn, where 
hinds w^ere reaping with sharp sickles in their hands. Some 
armfuls along the sw^ath w^ere falling in rows to the earth, w^hile 
others the sheaf-binders were binding in twdsted bands of straw. 
Three sheaf-binders stood over them, while behind boys gathering 
corn and bearing it in their arms gave it constantly to the binders ; 
and among them the lord in silence was standing at the sw^ath 
with his staff, rejoicing in his heart. And henchmen apart 
beneath an oak w^ere making ready a feast, and preparing a great 
ox they had sacrificed; w^hile the w-omen wxre strewing much 
white barley to be a supper for the hinds. 

Odyssey, pp. 253-255 

2. But Odysseus fared forth from the haven by the rough 
track, up the wooded country and through the heights, where 
Athene had showed him that he should find the goodly swineherd, 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 9 

who cared most for his substance of all the thralls that goodly 
Odysseus had gotten. 

Now he found him sitting at the front entry of the house, where 
his courtyard was builded high, in a place with wide prospect; 
a great court it was and a fair, with free range round it. This 
the swineherd had builded by himself for the swine of his lord who 
was afar, and his mistress and the old man Laertes knew not of it. 
With stones dragged thither had he builded it, and coped it with 
a fence of white thorn, and he had split an oak to the dark core, 
and without he had driven stakes the whole length thereof on 
either side, set thick and close; and within the courtyard he made 
twelve styes hard by one another, to be beds for the swine, and in 
each stye fifty grovelling swine were penned. . . . And their tale 
was three hundred and three score. And by them always slept 
four dogs, as fierce as wild beasts, which the swineherd had bred, 
a master of men. Now he was fitting sandals to his feet, cutting 
a brown oxhide, while the rest of his fellows, three in all, were 
abroad this way and that, with the droves of swine. Therewith 
the goodly swineherd led him to the steading, and took him in and 
set him down, and strewed beneath him thick brushwood, and 
spread thereon the hide of a shaggy wild goat, wide and soft, 
which served him for a mattress. . . . 

^'For surely the gods have stayed the returning of my master, 
who would have loved me diligently, and given me somewhat of 
my own, a house and a parcel of ground, and a comely wife, such 
as a kind lord gives to his man, who hath labored much for him and 
the work of whose hands God hath Hkewise increased, even as he 
increaseth this work of mine whereat I abide. Therefore would 
my lord have rewarded me greatly had he grown old at home." 

Odyssey, p. 431 

3. Now when those others had gone down from the city, quickly 
they came to the rich and well-ordered farm land of Laertes, that 



lo SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

he had won for himself of old, as the prize of great toil in war. 
There was his house, and all about it ran the huts wherein the 
thralls were wont to eat and dwell and sleep, bondsmen that 
worked his will. 

Iliad, p. 377 

4. Him found she sweating in toil and busy about his bellows, 
for he was forging tripods twenty in all to stand around the wall 
of his stablished hall. 

Iliad, pp. 378, 379 

5. He said, and from the anvil rose Hmping. . . . The bel- 
lows he set away from the fire, and gathered all the gear where- 
with he worked in a silver chest ; and with a sponge he wiped his 
face and hands and sturdy neck and shaggy breast, and did on 
his doublet, and took a stout staff and went forth limping. 

Iliad, p. 380 

6. Thus saying he left her there and went unto his bellows and 
turned them upon the fire and bade them work. And the bellows, 
twenty in all, blew on the crucibles, sending deft blasts on every 
side. . . . And he threw bronze that wxareth not into the fire, 
and tin and precious gold and silver, and next he set on an anvil- 
stand a great anvil, and took in his hand a sturdy hammer, and in 
the other he took the tongs. 

Iliad, p. 228 

7. ^^But me do thou succour, and lead me to the black ship, 
and cut the arrow out of my thigh, and smear soft healing drugs 
thereover, these good herbs whereof they say that thou hast 
learned from Achilles, whom Cheiron taught, the most righteous 
of the Centaurs. For of the leeches, Podaleirios and Machaon, 
one methinks, is wounded in the huts, and himself hath need of a 
good leech, and the other on the plain abideth the keen battle 
of the Trojans.'' 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY ii 

Odyssey, p. 57 

8. *'Now is the better time to inquire and ask of the strangers 
who they are, now that they have had their delight of food. 
Strangers, who are ye ? Whence sail ye over the wet ways ? On 
some trading enterprise, or at adventure do ye rove, even as sea- 
robbers, over the brine, for they wander at hazard of their own 
lives bringing bale to alien men?" 

Odyssey, p. 147 

9. ^'No, truly, stranger, nor do I think thee at all like one that is 
skilled in games, whereof there are many among men ; rather art 
thou such an one as comes and goes in a benched ship, a master of 
sailors that are merchantmen, one with a memory for his freight, 
or that hath the charge of a cargo homeward bound, and of greedily 
gotten gains; thou seemest not a man of thy hands." 

Odyssey, pp. 108, 109 

10. She gave him a great axe, fitted to his grasp, an axe of bronze, 
double-edged, and with a goodly handle of olive wood, fastened 
well. Next she gave him a polished adze, and she led the way to 
the border of the isle where tall trees grew, alder and poplar, and 
pine that reacheth unto heaven, seasoned long since and sere, 
that might lightly float for him. Now after she had shown him 
where the tall trees grew. Calypso, the fair goddess, departed 
homeward. And he set to cutting timber, and his work went 
busily. Twenty trees in all he felled, and then trimmed them 
with the axe of bronze, and deftly smoothed them, and over them 
made straight the line. Meanwhile Calypso, the fair goddess, 
brought him augers, so he bored each piece and joined them 
together, and then made all fast with trenails and dowels. Wide 
as is the floor of a broad ship of burden, which some man well 
skilled in carpentry may trace him out, of such beam did Odysseus 
fashion his broad raft. And thereat he wrought, and set up the 



12 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

deckings, fitting them to the close-set uprights, and finished them 
off with long gunwales, and therein he set a mast, and a yard-arm 
fitted thereto, and moreover he made him a rudder to guide the 
craft. And he fenced it with wattled osier withes from stem to 
stern, to be a bulwark against the wave, and piled wood to back 
them. Meanw^hile Calypso, the fair goddess, brought him web of 
cloth to make him sails; and these too he fashioned skilfully. 
And he made fast therein braces and halyards and sheets, and at 
last he pushed the raft with levers down to the fair salt sea. 

Odyssey, p. 54 

11. Then Telemachus called unto his company and bade them 
lay hands on the tackling, and they barkened to his call. So they 
raised the mast of pine tree and set it in the hole of the cross plank, 
and made it fast with forestays, and hauled up the white sails with 
twisted ropes of oxhide. And the wind filled the belly of the sail, 
and the dark wave seethed loudly round the stern of the running 
ship, and she fleeted over the wave, accomplishing her path. Then 
they made all fast in the swift black ship, and set mixing bowls 
brimmed w^ith wine, and poured drink offering to the deathless 
gods. 

Iliad, p. 3 

12. And there stood up before them Kalchas, son of Thestor, 
most excellent far of augurs, who knew^ both things that wxre and 
that should be and that had been before, and guided the ships 
of the Achaeans to Ilios by his soothsaying that Phoebus Apollo 
bestowed on him. 

Odyssey, p. 144 

13. Then the henchman drew near, leading with him the be- 
loved minstrel, w^hom the muse loved dearly, and she gave him both 
good and evil; of his sight she reft him but granted him sweet 
song. Then Pontonous, the henchman, set for him a high chair 
inlaid with silver, in the midst of the guests, leaning it against the 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 13 

tall pillar, and hung the loud lyre on a pin, close above his head, 
and showed him how to lay his hands on it. . . . But after they 
had put from them the desire of meat and drink, the muse stirred 
the minstrel to sing the songs of famous men, even that lay whereof 
the fame had then reached the wide heaven, namely, the quarrel 
between Odysseus and Achilles, son of Peleus. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How many social classes are mentioned in the above extracts? 
2. What relations existed among them? 3. Enumerate the occupa- 
tions of this period. 4. Make a list of the implements used in each occu- 
pation. 5. Describe the methods employed in the different callings. 
6. How many of these occupations have disappeared? 7. How many 
still exist, but differ in methods and implements? 8. How many still 
exist unchanged? 9. How many of these occupations could really be 
called trades, practiced by men with special training? 10. How many 
special occupations — trades or professions — are there in our own 
society? 11. Which society is the more complex and why? 

c. Government 

Iliad, pp. 22-24 

I. Now went the goddess, Dawn, to high Olympus, fore- 
telHng daylight to Zeus and all the immortals; and the king bade 
the clear-voiced heralds summon to the assembly the flowing- 
haired Achaians. So did those summon, and these gathered with 
speed. 

But first the council of the great-hearted elders met beside the 
ship of King Nestor, the Pylos-born. And he that had assembled 
them framed his cunning council: ''So come, let us now call to 
arms as we may the sons of the Achaians. But first I will speak 
to make trial of them as is fitting, and will bid them flee with their 
benched ships; only do ye from this side and from that seek to 
hold them back.^' 



14 SOURCE BOOK OF GRP:EK HISTORY 

So spake he and sat him down; and there stood up among 
them Nestor, who was king of sandy Pylos. He of good intent 
made harangue to them. ... So spake he and led the way forth 
from the council, and all the other sceptred chiefs rose with him 
and obeyed the shepherd of the host; and the people hastened to 
them. . . . From ships and huts, before the low beach, marched 
forth their many tribes and companies to the place of assembly. 
. . . And the place of assembly was in an uproar, and the earth 
echoed again as the hosts sat them down, and there was turmoil. 
Nine heralds restrained them with shouting, if perchance they 
might refrain from clamor and harken to their kings. And hardly 
at the last would the people sit and keep them to their benches 
and cease from noise. Then stood up Lord Agamemnon, bear- 
ing his sceptre. . . . Thereon he leaned and spake his saying 
to the Argives. 

Iliad, p. 27 

2. So said she, and he knew the voice of the goddess speaking 
to him and set him to run, and cast away his mantle, the which his 
herald gathered up . . . that waited on him. And himself he 
went to meet Agamemnon, son of Atreus, and at his hand received 
the sceptre of his sires, imperishable forever, wherewith he took 
his way amid the ships of the mail-clad Achaians. 

Whenever he found one that was a captain and a man of mark, 
he stood by his side, and refrained him with gentle words : '' Good 
sir, it is not seemly to affright thee Hke a coward, but do thou sit 
thyself, and make all thy folks sit down. For thou knowxst not 
yet clearly what is the purpose of Atreus' son. . . . And we 
heard not all of us what he spake in the council. Beware lest in 
his anger he evilly entreat the sons of the Achaians.'' . . . But 
whatever man of the people he saw and found him shouting, him he 
drave with his sceptre and chode with loud words: ^^Good sir, 
sit still, and hearken to the words of others that are thy betters; 
but thou art no warrior and a weakHng, never reckoned whether 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 15 

in battle or in council. In no wise can we Achaians all be kings 
here. A multitude of masters is no good thing; let there be one 
master, one king, to whom the son of crooked counselling Kronos 
had granted it, even the sceptre and the judgments that he may 
rule among you.'' 

Iliadj pp. 28, 29 

3. Now all the rest sat down and kept their place upon the 
benches. Only Thersites still chattered on, the uncontrolled 
of speech, whose mind was full of words, many and disorderly, 
wherewith to strive against the chiefs idly and in no good order, 
but even as he deemed that he should make the Argives laugh. 
And he was ill-favored beyond all men that came to IHos. Bandy- 
legged was he and lame of one foot, and his two shoulders rounded, 
arched down upon his chest ; and over them his head was warped 
and a scanty stubble sprouted on it. Hateful was he to Achilles 
above all and to Odysseus, for them he was wont to revile. But 
now with shrill shout he poured forth his upbraidings upon goodly 
Agamemnon. ... So spake Thersites, reviling Agamemnon, 
shepherd of the host, but goodly Odysseus came straight to his 
side, and looking sternly at him with hard words rebuked him: 
^^ Thersites, reckless in words, shrill orator though thou art, re- 
frain thyself, nor aim to strive singly against kings. . . . But I 
will tell thee plain, and that I say shall even be brought to pass; 
if I find thee again raving as now thou art, then may Odysseus' 
head no longer abide upon his shoulders, ... if I take thee not 
and strip from thee thy garments, thy mantle and tunic that cover 
thy nakedness, and for thyself send thee weeping to the fleet ships, 
and beat thee out of the assembly with shameful blows." 

So spake he, and with his staff smote his back and shoulders : 
and he bowed dow^n and a big tear fell from him, and a bloody weal 
stood up from his back beneath the golden sceptre. 

Then he sat down and was amazed, and in pain with helpless 
look wiped away the tear. But the j-est, though they were sorry, 



i6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

laughed lightly at him, and thus would one speak, looking at 
another standing by: ''Go to, of a truth Odysseus hath wrought 
good deeds without number ere now . . . but now is this thing 
the best by far. . . . Never again, forsooth, will his proud soul 
henceforth bid him revile the kings with slanderous w^ords/' So 
said the common sort. 

Iliad^ P- 381 

4. But the folk were gathered in the assembly place; for there 
was strife arisen, two men striving about the blood price of a 
man slain; the one avowing that he had paid all, expounding 
to the people, but the other denied that he had received aught; 
and each was fain, to obtain consummation on the w^ord of his 
witness. And the folk were cheering both, as they took part on 
either side. And heralds kept order among the folk, while the 
elders on polished stones were sitting in the sacred circle, and 
holding in their hands staves from the loud-voiced heralds. Then 
before the people they rose up and gave judgment each in turn. 
And in the midst lay two talents of gold, to be given unto him 
who should plead among them most righteously. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Name the parts of this government and describe the role of each 
part. 2. Enumerate the officials and state their duties. 3. Were there 
any insignia of office? 4. From what source was the right to rule 
derived? 5. Quote a sentence that contains the theory of govern- 
ment. 6. What do we call such a government? 7. Was free speech 
allowed? 8. What part in the government had the mass of the people? 
9. How do you explain such a situation ? 10. Does the government of 
our country differ in form or spirit or both from this government? 
II. What was the ''blood price"? 12. Does any such thing exist in 
our country? 13. Make an analysis of this trial scene, naming the 
persons taking part in it and stating what each did. 14. Show the 
difference between the scene here described and a modern murder trial. 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 17 

d. Warfare 

Iliad, pp. 202, 203 

1. And the son of Atreus cried aloud and bade the Argives 
arm them, and himself amid them did on the flashing bronze. 
First he fastened fair greaves about his legs, fitted with ankle 
clasps of silver, next, again, he did his breastplate about his 
breast. . . . And round his shoulders he cast his sword wherein 
shone studs of gold, but the scabbard about it was silver fitted 
with golden chains. And he took the richly dight shield of his 
valor that covereth all the body of a man, a fair shield, and round 
about it were ten circles of bronze and thereon w^ere tw^enty w^hite 
bosses of tin and one in the midst of black Cyanus, . . . and on his 
head Agamemnon set a sturdy helm with a fourfold crest and a 
plume of horsehair, and terribly the crest nodded from above. 
And he grasped two strong spears shod with bronze and keen. . . . 

Then each man gave in charge his horses to his charioteer to 
hold them in by the fosse, well and orderly, and themselves as 
heavy men at arms were hasting about being harnessed in their 
gear. ... 

Iliad, p. 206 

2. He spake and dashed Peisandros from his chariot to the 
earth, smiting him with his spear upon the breast, and he lay 
supine upon the ground. But Hippolochos rushed away, and him^^ 
too he smote to earth and cut off his hands and his neck with 
the sword, then tossed him Hke a ball of stone to roll through the 
throng. Then left he them, and where thickest clashed the 
battalions, there he set on and with him all the well-greaved Achai- 
ans. Footmen kept slaying footmen as they were driven in flight, 
and horsemen slaying horsemen with the swoixi*^ and from beneath 
them rose up the dust from the plain stirred by the thundering 
hoofs of horses. And the Lord Agamemnon, ever slaying, followed 
after, calhng on the Argives. ** '' 



i8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Iliad, p. 205 

3. But Agamemnon, son of Atreus of the wide domain, smote 
Isos on the breast . . . with his spear, but Antiphos he struck 
hard by the ear with the sword and dashed him from the chariot. 
Then made he haste and stripped from them their goodly harness. 

Iliad, p. 219 

4. So spake he and smote the fair-maned horses with the shrill- 
sounding whip, and they felt the lash and fleetly bore the swift 
chariot among the Trojans and the Achaians, turning on the dead 
and the shields, and with blood besprinkled all the axle tree be- 
neath and the rims round the car with the drops from the hoofs 
of the horses and with drops from the tires about the wheels. 

Odyssey, p. 34 

5. For even thither had Odysseus gone on his swift ship to seek 
a deadly drug, that he might have wherewithal to smear his bronze- 
shod arrows. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was the defensive armor of a soldier of this period? 
2. What offensive weapons did he use? 3. What two classes of war- 
riors do you find mentioned? 4. Did they stand equal chances in 
battle? 5. What qualities were needed to give a man the victory in a 
battle such as that described above ? 6. What practices of that time 
would be considered barbarous in modern warfare? 7. What would 
be the duties of a general in the period that we are studying? 8. Name 
some of the ways in which a great modern battle — Mukden, for ex- 
ample — would differ from the battle described above. 

e. Religion 

Iliad, pp. 16-19 

I. Now when the twelfth morn thereafter was come, then the 
gods that are forever fared to Olympus all in company, led of Zeus. 
And Thetis forgat not her son's charge, but rose up from the sea 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 19 

wave, and at early morn mounted up to great heaven and Olympus. 
There found she Kronos's son of the far-sounding voice sitting 
apart from all on the topmost peak of many-ridged Olympus. 
So she sat before his face and with her left hand clasped his knees, 
and with her right touched him beneath his chin, and spake in 
prayer to King Zeus, son of Kronos. ... So spake she : but 
Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, said no word to her, and sat long time in 
silence. But even as Thetis had clasped his knees, so held she 
by him clinging, and questioned him yet a second time : ^'Promise 
me now this thing verily and bow thy head thereto; or else deny 
me, seeing there is naught for thee to fear; that I may know full 
well how I, among all gods, am least in honor.'' 

Then Zeus, the cloud-gatherer, sore troubled, spake to her: 
'^Verily it is a sorry matter, if thou wilt set me at variance with 
Hera, whene'er she provoketh me with taunting words. . . . But 
do thou now depart again, lest Hera mark aught ; and I will take 
thought for these things to fulfil them. Come now, I will bow 
my head to thee that thou mayest be of good courage ; for that of 
my part is the surest token amid the immortals ; no word of mine is 
revocable nor false nor unfulfilled when the bowing of my head 
hath pledged it." 

Kronion spake and nodded his dark brow, and the ambrosial 
locks waved from the king's immortal head; and he made great 
Olympus quake. 

Thus the twain took counsel and parted ; she leaped therewith 
into the deep sea from ghttering Olympus, and Zeus fared to his 
own palace. All the gods in company arose from their seats 
before their father's face ; neither ventured any to await his com- 
ing, but they stood up all before him. So he sat him there upon his 
throne ; but Hera saw and was not ignorant how the daughter of 
the ancient of the sea, Thetis, the silver-footed, had devised coun- 
sel with him. 

Anon with taunting words spake she to Zeus, the son of Kronos: 



20 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

'^Now who among the gods, thou crafty of mind, hath devised 
counsel with thee ? It is ever thy good pleasure to hold aloof from 
me and in secret meditation to give thy judgments, nor of thine own 
good will hast thou ever brought thyself to declare unto me the 
thing thou purposest.'' ... 

To her made answer Zeus, the cloud-gatherer: ''Lady, ever art 
thou imagining, nor can I escape thee ; yet shalt thou in no wise 
have power to fulfil, but wilt be the further from my heart. . . . 
Abide thou in silence and harken to my bidding, lest all the gods 
that are in Olympus keep not off from thee my visitation, when I 
put forth my hands unapproachable against thee." 

He said, and Hera, the ox-eyed queen, was afraid and sat in silence, 
curbing her heart ; but throughout Zeus' palace the gods of heaven 
were troubled. 

Iliad, p. 21 

2. Now all other gods and chariot-driving men slept all night 
long, only Zeus was not holden of sweet sleep ; rather was he pon- 
dering in his mind how he should do honor to Achilles and destroy 
many beside the Achaians' ships. 

And this design seemed to his mind the best, to wit, to send a 
baneful dream upon Agamemnon, son of Atreus. So he spake and 
uttered to him winged words: ''Come now^, thou baneful Dream, 
go to the Achaians' fleet ships, enter into the hut of Agamemnon, 
son of Atreus, and tell him every word plainly as I charge thee. 
Bid him call to arms the flowing-haired Achaians with all speed, 
for that now he may take the wide-wayed city of the Trojans." 

Iliad, pp. 2>Z^ 34 

3. And they did sacrifice each man to one of the everlasting 
gods, praying for escape from death and the tumult of battle. But 
Agamemnon, king of men, slew a fat bull of five years to most mighty 
Kronion, and called the elders, the princes of the Achaian host. . . . 
Then stood they around the bull and took the barley meal, and 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 21 

Agamemnon made his prayer in their midst and said : ^'Zeus most 
glorious, most great god of the storm cloud, that dwellest in the 
heavens, vouchsafe that the sun set not upon us, nor the darkness 
come near until I have laid low upon the earth Priam's palace 
smirched with smoke and burnt the doorways thereof with con- 
suming fire, and rent on Hector's breast his doublet, cleft with the 
blade; and about him may full many of his comrades, prone in 
the dust, bite the earth.'' . . . 

Iliad, P- 34 

4. Now when they had prayed and scattered the barley meal, 
they first drew back the bull's head and cut his throat and flayed 
him, and cut slices from the thighs and wrapped them in fat, making 
a double fold, and laid raw coUops thereon. And these they burnt 
on cleft wood stripped of leaves, and spitted the vitals and held 
them over Hephaistos' flame. Now when the thighs were burnt 
and they had tasted the vitals, then sliced they all the rest and 
pierced it through with spits and roasted it carefully and drew all 
off again. So w^hen they had rest from the task and had made 
ready the banquet, they feasted, nor was their heart aught stinted 
of the fair banquet. 

Odyssey, p. 204 

5. '^ Leave me not unwept and unburied as thou goest hence, nor 
turn thy back upon me, lest haply I bring on thee the anger of the 
gods. Nay, burn me there with mine armor, all that is mine, and 
pile me a barrow on the shore of the gray sea, the grave of a luck- 
less man, that even men unborn may hear my story. Fulfill me 
this and plant upon the barrow mine oar, wherewith I rowed in 
the days of my Hfe, while yet I was among my fellows." 

Odyssey, p. 90 

6. ^^ But thou, Menelaus, son of Zeus, art not ordained to die and 
meet thy fate in Argos, the pasture-land of horses, but the death- 



22 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

less gods will convey thee to the Elysian plain and the world's end, 
where is Rhadamanthus of the fair hair, where life is easiest for 
men. No snow is there, nor yet great storm, nor any rain ; but 
always ocean sendeth forth the breeze of the shrill West to blow 
cool on men." 

Odyssey, p. 217 

7. *^How durst thou come down to the house of Hades, where 
dwell the senseless dead, the phantoms of men outw^orn ? " . . . 

**Nay, speak not comfortably to me of death, O great Odysseus. 
Rather would I live on ground as the hireHng of another, with a 
landless man who had no great Hvelihood, than bear sw^ay among 
all the dead that be departed." 

Odyssey, pp. 208, 209 

8. So spake she, and I mused in my heart, and would fain have 
embraced the spirit of my mother dead. Thrice I sprang toward 
her, and was minded to embrace her; thrice she flitted from my 
hands as a shadow or even as a dream, and grief w^axed ever the 
sharper at my heart. And uttering my voice I spake to her winged 
words . . . : *'Is this but a phantom that the goddess Persephone 
hath sent me, to the end that I may groan for more exceeding 
sorrow?" 

**SospakeI, and my lady mother answered me anon . . .: ^But 
even on this wise it is with mortals when they die. For the sinew^s 
no longer bind together the flesh and the bones, but the great 
force of burning fire abolishes these, so soon as the Hfe hath left 
the white bones, and the spirit like a dream flies forth and hovers 



near.'" 



QUESTIONS 



1. Did the Greeks believe in many gods or in one? 2. Name those 
mentioned in these extracts, and, if you can, tell what their positions were 
in the world of divinities. 3. What was the social and political organi- 
zation of heaven? 4. Were the gods happy? 5. Where did the gods 




Fig. 2. Group from a Funeral Monument 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 23 

live? 6. In what ways were they Hke to mortals? 7. In what unlike? 
8. What methods did Thetis use to influence Zeus ? 9. Why did he not 
grant her request at once? 10. Did Zeus always keep his promises? 
1 1 . What was the feeling of the other gods toward Zeus ? 12. Point out 
the ungodlike features of the scene between Zeus and Hera. 13. How 
do you think these old Greeks formed such ideas of the gods? 

14. How did the gods communicate with mortals? 15. Why did 
they wish to communicate with them? 16. How did mortals com- 
municate with the gods, and why? 17. What was there peculiar about 
the methods of worship employed by the Greeks? 18. In what ways 
did they resemble our own? 19. Did their ideas about the gods in- 
fluence their methods of worship? 20. What do you think of Aga- 
memnon's prayer? 21. How were the dead treated? 22. Who is 
speaking in paragraph 4? 23. Is his request likely to be granted, and 
why? 24. What two conceptions of the future life do you find in these 
extracts? 25. What is evidently the common belief? 26. What did 
the Greeks beheve about the relation of the spirit to the body ? 

27. What kind of literature is the Iliad? The Odyssey? 28. Were 
they wTitten as a description of the manners and customs of early 
Greece ? 29. Do we know that the government, religion, and manners 
and customs as we find them in these poems are not entirely imaginary? 
In a word, what right have we to attempt to form a picture of the 
life of that time by selecting bits of information from these poems? 
30. What bearing does the fact that all parts of the Iliad are not of the 
same date have upon its value as evidence? 

B. Life of the Greek Farmer. Hesiod, Works and Days 

Hesiod, Works and Days, pp. 99-101 

I. But when first the season of ploughing has appeared to mor- 
tals, even then rouse thyself, thy servants alike and thyself, plough- 
ing during the season of ploughing, whether dry or wet, hasting 
very early, that so thy corn-lands may be full. In spring turn up 
the soil; and the ground tilled afresh in summer will not mock 
thy hopes : and sow thy fallow land while yet light. Fallow land 
is a guardian from death and ruin and a soother of children. 



24 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Make vows, too, to Jove infernal and chaste Demeter, that they 
may load the ripe holy seed-corn of Demeter, when first beginning 
thy ploughing, when thou hast taken in hand the goad at the ex- 
tremity of the plough-tail, and touched the back of the oxen drag- 
ging the oaken peg of the pole with the leathern strap: and let 
thy servant boy behind, carrying a mattock, cause trouble to birds, 
whilst he covers over the seed. For good management is best to 
mortal men and bad management w^orst. Thus, if the Olympian 
god himself afterwards give a prosperous end, will the ears bend 
to the earth with fulness and thou wilt drive the cobwebs from 
thy bins, and I hope that thou wilt rejoice taking for thyself from 
substance existing within. And in plenty thou wilt come to the 
white spring, nor wdlt thou gaze on others, but another man will be 
in want from you. . . . 

But duly observe all things in your mind, nor let either the spring 
becoming w^hite with blossoms, or the flowxrs returning at set sea- 
sons, escape your notice. But pass by the seat at the brazier's 
forge and the warm lodging-house in the winter season, when cold 
keeps men from toil ; at which time an active man would greatly 
improve his household matters, lest the hardship of baneful win- 
ter along with poverty catch thee and with lean hand thou press 
a swollen foot. But many ill designs hath the idler, waiting for 
a vain hope, and in need of subsistence. . . . And 'tis no good 
hope that sustains a needy man, sitting at a lodging-house and who 
hath not means of life sufficient. Point out, then, to thy servants, 
when it is still mid-summer, ''It will not be summer always: 
make your cabins.'' 

Hesiod, Works and Days, p. 104 

2. Even then, as I bid you, clothe yourself in a defence for your 
body, a soft cloak and a frock reaching to the ground ; and into a 
scant warp weave an abundant woof; this cast around you that 
your hairs may not shiver, nor bristle, raised erect about your 
body. And about your feet bind suitable sandals of the hide of 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 25 

an ox slaughtered with your might, having covered them thick 
v^ithin with felt. Then, when the season of cold is come, stitch 
together with the sinew of an ox the skins of first-born kids, that 
so upon your back you may throw a shelter from the rain ; and on 
the head above keep a well-wrought felt hat, that you may not get 
your ears drenched. For bleak both is the morn, when the north 
wind falls upon one, and in the morning over the earth from the 
starry heaven a wheat-bringing mist is spread above the tillage 
of the rich. 

Hesiod, Works and Days, pp. 107, 108 

3. Urge thy servants, too, to thrash the holy gift of Demeter, 
when first Orion's strength shall have appeared, in a breezy place 
and on a well-rounded threshing floor: and by measure store it 
well in bins. And when at length you have laid up all your sub- 
stance, duly prepared w^ithin your house, I recommend to you to 
get a houseless hireling and to seek a female servant without chil- 
dren, for a female servant with children is troublesome. And 
maintain a sharp-toothed dog; stint not his food, lest ever a day- 
slumbering man shall have plundered thy property. Gather in 
hay and litter, that your oxen and mule may have fodder for the 
year. Afterwards refresh the limbs of your servants and unyoke 
your pair of oxen. 

But when Orion and Sirius shall have reached mid-heaven and 
rosy-fingered Aurora looked on Arcturus, then, Perses, cull and 
carry home all thy grape-clusters. Then expose them to the sun 
ten days and ten nights, shade them five days and on the sixth 
draw into vats the gifts of joyous Bacchus. But when now the 
Pleiads, the Hyads, and strong Orion set, then be thou mindful of 
ploughing in due season. And may the year be prosperous to thee 
in thy rustic matters. 

Hesiod, Works and DaySy pp. 90-93 

4. Anci with him gods and men are indignant, who lives a slug- 



26 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

gard's life, like in temper to stingless drones which lazily consume 
the labor of bees, by devouring it ; but to thee let it be a pleasure 
to set in order seemly works, that so thy garner may be full of 
seasonable substance. From wxrks men become both rich in 
flocks and wealthy; by working, too, thou wilt be dearer far to 
immortals and to mortals. For greatly do they hate sluggards. 
Now work is no disgrace, but sloth is a disgrace. And if thou 
shouldst work, quickly will the sluggard envy thee growing rich; 
for esteem and glory accompany wealth. . . . But after thy 
power, do sacrifice to the immortal gods, holily and purely, and 
burn moreover sleek thighs of victims and at other times pro- 
pitiate them with libations and incense, both w^hen you go to rest 
and when the holy light shall have risen ; that so to thee they may 
entertain a propitious heart and spirit, that thou may buy the land 
of others, not others thine. Invite the man that loves thee to a 
feast, but let alone thine enemy; and especially invite him that 
dwelleth near thee; for, if, mark you, anything strange shall have 
happened at home, neighbors are wont to come ungirt, but 
kinsfolk gird themselves first. . . . Duly measure w^hen thou 
borrowxst from a neighbor, and duly repay in the very measure 
I and better still, if thou canst, that so when in want thou mayest 

find that which may be relied on in future. 

Gain not base gains ; base gains are equal to losses. Love him 
that loves thee and be nigh unto him that attaches himself to thee : 
and give to him that may have given : give not to him that hath not 
given. To a giver, on the one hand, some have given, but to the 
withholder none give. A gift is good ; but plunder evil, — a 
dealer of death. For whatsoever man shall have given willingly, 
he too would give much. He exults in his gift and is pleased in his 
spirit. But w^hoso shall have seized, in compliance with his shame- 
lessness, even though it be but a little, yet that little curdles his 
heart's blood. 



PRIMITIVE GREEK SOCIETY 27 

QUESTIONS 

I. What were the principal crops of the Greek farmer as described 
by Hesiod? 2. Describe the methods of farming and the farm imple- 
ments. 3. Upon what did the farmer beheve that his success depended ? 
4. Against what bad practice does Hesiod warn the farmer? 5. What 
was the dress of the farmer and where did he obtain it? 6. What 
was the ch'mate of the part of Greece (Bceotia) where Hesiod Hved? 
7. What good hints does Hesiod give about the management of the 
farm-house? 8. What is the meaning of the expression *' day-slumbering 
man"? 9. To what kind of modern book would you compare this 
book of Hesiod's? 10. How would the two dififer? 11. What is the 
value of this book of Hesiod's as a source of information concerning the 
Hfe of the Greek farmer in his day? 12. Judging from Hesiod, what 
was the ideal of the Greek farmer? 13. W^hat connection did there 
seem to be between religion and successful farming? 14. What sound 
ethical teaching do you find in this extract from Hesiod ? 15. How does 
it compare with the ethical teaching of Christ ? 

The Shield of Hercules, p. 64 

5. Then again on another side young men v^^ere making merry 
to the sound of the flute : these indeed disporting with dance and 
song, those on the other hand laughing. But to the flute-player 
they were proceeding, each of them: and festivals, choirs, and 
rejoicings were occupying all the city. Others again in front of 
the city had mounted on horseback and were darting along. And 
ploughers were cleaving the rich earth, and had their tunics girt 
neatly. But there was a thick standing crop. Some on their 
part indeed w^ere reaping with sharp sickles the stafflike stalks 
laden wuth ears, as it w^re the present of Ceres. Others, I wot, 
were binding them in straws-ropes, and w^ere laying the threshing- 
floor ; whilst others with vine-sickles in their hands w^ere gathering 
the fruit of the vines ; others again were carrying to baskets from 
the vintagers clusters white and dark from tall rows, laden wath 
foliage and silvery tendrils ; and others again were carrying them 



28 



SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 



in baskets : near them was a row of vines wrought in gold, famous 
works of very skilful Vulcan, waving with leaves and trellises in 
silver, (these again, indeed, sporting each to the minstrel's flute,) 
weighed down with grapes: yes, and these, indeed, had been 
represented dark. Some were treading the grapes and others were 
drawing the juice; w^hilst others were contending with the fist, 
and in wresthng: others were chasing fleet-footed hares, sports- 
men, and a brace of sharp-toothed hounds in front, eager to catch 
the hares, and they eager to escape them : and beside them horse- 
men were busy, and for prizes they wxre engaging in strife and toil : 
charioteers standing on well-compacted chariots were letting loose 
swift steeds, giving them the reins; and the close-joined chariots 
were flying rattling over the ground, and the naves of thq wheels 
added to the din. They then, I wot, were busied in endless toil, 
nor had victory ever been achieved for them, but they were en- 
gaged in a yet-doubtful contest. Now to them also was proposed 
a huge tripod, within the course, wrought of gold, the famous 
work of skilful Vulcan. 

QUESTIONS 



I. What is the value of this poem as historical material? 2. How 
does its value differ from that of the Iliad and Odyssey? 3. What can 
you learn from it about early Greek life that you have not already 
learned from sources previously studied? 









'^-<^* 



Fig. 3. Papyrus 



II. COLONIZATION. GREEK LIFE ON THE COASTS 
OF THE MEDITERRANEAN 

Strabo, II, p. 60 

1. Corinth is said to be opulent from its mart. It is situated 
upon the isthmus. It commands two harbors, one near Asia, 
the other near Italy, and facilitates, by reason of so short a distance 
between them, an exchange of commodities on each side. 

As the SiciHan strait, so formerly these seas were of difficult 
navigation, and particularly the sea above Maleae, on account of 
the prevalence of contrary winds; whence the common proverb: 

"When you double Maleae, forget your home." 

It was a desirable thing for the merchants coming from. Asia, and 
from Italy, to discharge their lading at Corinth without being 
obliged to double Cape Maleae. For goods exported from Pelo- 
ponnesus, or imported by land, a toll was paid to those who had 
the keys of the country. This continued afterwards for ever. In 
after times they enjoyed even additional advantages, for the Isth- 
mian games, which were celebrated there, brought thither great 
multitudes of people. 

Strabo, I, pp. 268, 269 

2. Marseilles, founded by the Phoca^ans, is built in a stony 
region. Its harbor lies beneath a rock, which is shaped hke a 
theatre, and faces the south. It is well surrounded with walls, 
as well as the whole city, which is of considerable size. Within 
the citadel are placed the ephesium and the temple of the Delphian 
Apollo. This latter temple is common to all the lonians; the 
ephesium is the temple consecrated to Diana of Ephesus. They 

29 



30 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

say that when the Phocaeans were about to quit their country, an 
oracle commanded them to take from Diana of Ephesus a con- 
ductor for their voyage. On arriving at Ephesus they therefore 
inquired how they might be able to obtain from the goddess what 
was enjoined them. The goddess appeared in a dream to Aris- 
tarcha, one of the most honorable women of the city, and com- 
manded her to accompany the Phocaeans, and to take with her a 
plan of the temple and statues. These things being performed, 
and the colony being settled, the Phocaeans built a temple, and 
evinced their great respect for Aristarcha by making her priestess. 
All the colonies (sent out from Marseilles) hold this goddess in 
peculiar reverence, preserving both the shape of the image (of 
the goddess), and also every rite observed in the metropolis. 

Strabo, I, p. 365 

3. After Dicaearchia is NeapoHs, (founded originally) by the 

Cumaei, but afterwards being peopled by Chalcidians, and certain 

Pithecussaeans and Athenians, it was on this account denominated 

Naples. 

Strabo, I, p. 385 

4. Rhegium w^as founded by certain Chalcidenses, who, as they 
say, were decimated as an offering to Apollo in a time of scarcity, 
by order of an oracle, and afterwards removed hither from Delphi, 
taking with them certain others from home. As Antiochus says, 
the Zanclaeans sent for the Chalcidenses, and appointed Antimnes- 
tus chief over them. Certain fugitives of the Messenians of Pelo- 
ponnesus accompanied this colony. 

Strabo, I, pp. 394-395 

5. Antiochus ^ relates that an oracle having commanded the 
Greeks to found Crotona, Myscellus went forth to view the place, 
and having seen Sybaris already built on a neighboring river of 

^ Antiochus, contemporary of Herodotus, wrote a history of Sicily, gathering 
many oral traditions. 



COLONIZATION 31 

the same name, thought it better, and returned to the god to ask if 
he might be permitted to settle in that, instead of the other ; but 
that the oracle answered, applying to him an epithet noticing his 
defective stature, (for Myscellus was somew^hat crook-backed,) 
*^0 short-backed Myscellus, w^hilst seeking somewhat else of thy- 
self, thou pursuest only misfortune: it is right to accept that 
which is proffered to thee ;" and that he returned and built Crotona, 
wherein he was assisted by Archias, the founder of Syracuse, who 
happened to touch at Crotona by chance, as he was proceeding to 
the colony of the Syracusans. The lapyges possessed Crotona 
before this time, as Ephorus ^ relates. The city cultivated mar- 
tial discipline and athletic exercises to a great extent, and in one 
of the Olympic games all the seven wTestlers who obtained the 
palm in the stadium were Crotoniatae ; whence, it seems, the say- 
ing arose that the last wTestler of Crotona was the first of the 
other Greeks, and hence they say also is the origin of the ex- 
pression, ^^more salubrious than Crotona,'' as instancing a place 
which had something to show, in the number of wrestlers which 
it produced, as a proof of its salubrity and the robust frame of 
body which it was capable of rearing. Thus it had many victors 
in the Olympic games, although it cannot be reckoned to have 
been long inhabited on account of the vast destruction of its 
citizens, who fell at the battle of the Sagras. Its celebrity too was 
not a little spread by the number of Pythagoreans who resided 
there, and Milo, who was the most renowned of wrestlers, and 
lived in terms of intimacy with Pythagoras, who abode long in 
this city. 

Strabo, I, pp. 395, 396 

6. Beyond this, at the distance of 200 stadia,^ is situated Sybaris, 
a colony settled by the Achaeans, between the two rivers Crati and 
Sybaris. Its founder was Is . . . the Helica^n. So great was 

1 Ephorus, 363-300 B.C., wrote a Universal History. 
2Stadium=6o6 feet, 9 inches. 



2,2 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

the prosperity enjoyed by this city anciently, that it held dominion 
over four neighboring people and twenty-five towns; in the w^ar 
with the Crotoniatae it brought into the field 300,000 men, and 
occupied a circuit of fifty stadia on the Crati. But on account of 
the arrogance and turbulence of its citizens, it was deprived of all 
its prosperity by the Crotoniatae in seventy days, who took the city, 
and turning the waters of the river (Crati), overwhelmed it wdth an 
inundation. Some time after, a few^ w^ho had escaped came to- 
gether and inhabited the site of their former city, but in time they 
were dispossessed by the Athenians and other Greeks, who came 
and settled amongst them, but they despised and subjugated them, 
and removed the city to a neighboring place, caUing its name 
Thurii, from a fountain of that name. The water of the river 
Sybaris has the peculiar property of making the horses which drink 
it shy, for which reason they keep their horses away from the river. 

Strabo, I, pp. 426, 427 

7. The partheniae, leaguing w^ith the helots, conspired against 
the Lacedaemonians, and agreed to raise a Laconic felt hat in the 
market-place as a signal for the commencement of hostihties. 
Some of the helots betrayed the plot, but the government found it 
difficult to resist them by force, for they w^ere many and all unani- 
mous, and looked upon each other as brothers ; those in authority 
therefore commanded such as were appointed to raise the signal, 
to depart out of the market-place; when they therefore per- 
ceived that their plot was disclosed they desisted, and the Lace- 
daemonians persuaded them, through the instrumentality of their 
fathers, to leave the country and colonize: and advised them, if 
they should get possession of a convenient place, to abide in it, 
but if not, they promised that a fifth part of Messenia should be 
divided amongst them on their return. So they departed and 
found the Greeks carrying on hostilities against the barbarians^ 
and taking part in the perils of the war, they obtained possession 
of Tarentum, which they colonized. 



COLONIZATION 33 

Strabo, I, p. 377 

8. The Greeks, however, succeeded in depriving the ancient 
inhabitants of a great portion of the midland country,^ beginning 
even as early as the Trojan war; they increased in power, and 
extent of territory, to such a degree, that they called this region and 
Sicily, the Magna Grcecia, 

Strabo, I, pp. 403, 404 

9. The cities situated on the side which forms the strait are 
first Messana, then Tauromenium, Catana, and Syracuse; be- 
tween Catana w^ere the ruined cities Naxos and Megara, situated 
w^here the rivers descending from ^Etna fall into the sea, and afford 
good accommodation for shipping. . . . They say that Ephorus 
founded these first cities of the Greeks in Sicily in the tenth genera- 
tion from the Trojan war. For those who preceded him were so 
terrified by the piratical customs of the Tyrrheni, and the ferocity 
of the savages of the neighborhood, that they did not even ven- 
ture to resort thither for the purposes of commerce. Theocles, 
the Athenian, however, having been driven to Sicily by storms, ob- 
served both the weakness of the inhabitants and the excellence 
of the soil. On his return home, he was unable to persuade the 
Athenians to make any attempt, but he collected a numerous band 
of Chalcidians in Euboea, with some lonians arid Dorians, whereof 
the most part were Megarenses, and sailed. The Chalcidians 
founded Naxos, and the Dorians Megara, w^hich was at first called 
Hybla. . . . The first of the cities which at present remain on 
the aforesaid side is Messana, built at the head of the gulf of 
Pelorias, which is curved very considerably towards the east, and 
forms a bay. The passage across to Rhegium is sixty stadia, but 
the distance to the Columna Rheginorum is much less. It was 
from a colony of the Messenians of the Peloponnesus that it was 
named Messana, having been originally called Zancle, on account 

^ Between the east and west coasts in southern Italy. 



34 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

of the great inequality of the coast. ... It was originally founded 
by the people of Naxos near Catana. 

Strabo, I, pp. 406-408 

10. Archias, sailing from Corinth, founded Syracuse about the 
same period that Naxos and Megara were built. They say that 
Myscellus and Archias having repaired to Delphi at the same 
time to consult the oracle, the god demanded whether they would 
choose wealth or health, w^hen Archias preferred wealth and Mys- 
cellus health, upon which the oracle assigned Syracuse to the former 
to found, and Crotona to the latter. And certainly, in like manner 
as it fell out that the Crotoniatae should inhabit a state so notable for 
salubrity as we have described, so such great riches have accrued to 
the Syracusans that their name has been embodied in the proverb 
applied to those who have too great wealth, viz. that they have not 
yet attained to a tithe of the riches of the Syracusans. . . . Ar- 
chias, pursuing his route, met with certain Dorians at Zephyrium, 
come from Sicily, and who had quitted the company of those who 
had founded Megara ; these he took with him, and in conjunction 
with them founded Syracuse. The city flourished on account of 
the fertility of the country and the convenience of the harbors; 
the citizens became great rulers ; while under tyrants themselves, 
they domineered over the other states (of Sicily), and when freed 
from despotism, they set at liberty such as had been enslaved by 
the barbarians; of these barbarians some were the aboriginal 
inhabitants of the island, while others had come across from the 
continent. The Greeks suffered none of the barbarians to ap- 
proach the shore, although they were not able to expel them 
entirely from the interior. Siculi, Sicani, Morgetes, and some 
others, still inhabit the island to the present day, amongst whom 
also were the Iberians, who, as Ephorus relates, were the first of 
the barbarians that are considered to have been settlers in 
Sicily. 



COLONIZATION 35 

Strabo, I, p. 487 

11. On the coast of Illyria, along its whole extent, and in the 
neighboring islands, there are numerous excellent harbors, contrary 
to what occurs on the opposite Italian coast, where there are none. 
As in Italy, however, the climate is warm and the soil productive 
of fruits; oUves also and vines grow readily, except in some few 
excessively rugged places. Although Illyria possesses these advan- 
tages, it was formerly neglected, through ignorance, perhaps, of 
its fertihty ; but it was principally avoided on account of the savage 
manners of the inhabitants, and their piratical habits. 

The region situated above the seacoast is mountainous, cold, 
and at times covered with snow. The northern part is still colder, 
so that vines are rarely to be met with either in the hills or in the 
plains lower down. 

Strabo, I, p. 476 

12. After leaving the above-mentioned mountainous district, is 
the city Theodosia, situated on a plain ; the soil is fertile, and there 
is a harbor capable of containing a hundred vessels. This formerly 
was the boundary of the territory of the Bosporians and of the 
Tauri. Then follows a fertile country extending to Panticapaeum, 
the capital of the Bosporians, which is situated at the mouth of the 
Palus Maeotis. Between Theodosia and Panticapaeum there is a 
tract of about 530 stadia in extent. The whole country is corn- 
producing; there are villages in it, and a city called Nymphaeum, 
with a good harbor. 

Panticapaeum is a hill inhabited all round for a circuit of twenty 
stadia. To the east it has a harbor, and docks capable of con- 
taining about thirty vessels; there is also an acropolis. It was 
founded by the Milesians. 

Strabo, I, pp. 489, 490 

13. If we set out from the sacred mouth of the Danube, having 
on the right hand the continuous line of coast, we find at the dis- 



36 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

tance of 500 stadia, Ister, a small town founded by Milesians; 
then Tomis, another small town, at the distance of 250 stadia; 
then Callatis, a city, a colony of the Heracleotae, at 280 stadia; 
then, at 1300 stadia, ApoUonia, a colony of Milesians, having the 
greater part of the buildings upon a small island, where is a temple 
of Apollo. 

Strabo, II, p. 154 

14. These cities, Eretria and Chalcis, when their population 
was greatly augmented, sent out considerable colonies to Mace- 
donia, for Eretria founded cities about Pallene and Mount Athos; 
Chalcis founded some near Olynthus, which Philip destroyed. 
There are also many settlements in Italy and Sicily, founded by 
Chalcidians. These colonies were sent out, according to Aris- 
totle, when the government of the Hippobatae (or knights), as it is 
called, was estabhshed; it was an aristocratical government, 
the heads of which held their office by virtue of the amount of 
their property. At the time that Alexander passed over into Asia, 
they enlarged the compass of the walls of their city, including 
within them Canethus, and the Euripus, and erected towers upon 
the bridge, a wall, and gates. 

Strabo, II, pp. 291, 292 

15. Next is Sinope itself, distant from Armene fifty stadia, the 
most considerable of all the cities in that quarter. It was founded 
by Milesians, and when the inhabitants had established a naval 
force they commanded the sea within the Cyanean rocks, and were 
allies of the Greeks in many naval battles beyond these limits. 
. . . It has received advantages from nature which have been 
improved by art. It is built upon the neck of a peninsula; on 
each side of the isthmus are harbors, stations for vessels, and 
fisheries worthy of admiration for the capture of the pelamides. 
Of these fisheries we have said that the people of Sinope have the 
second, and the Byzantines the third, in point of excellence. 



COLONIZATION 37 

Strabo, II, p. 351 

16. Abydos was founded by Milesians by permission of Gyges, 
king of Lydia ; for those places and the whole of the Troad were 
under his sway. 

Strabo, III, p. 5 

17. The present city (Miletus) has four harbors, one of which 
will admit a fleet of ships. The citizens have achieved many great 
deeds, but the most important is the number of colonies which they 
estabHshed. The whole Euxine, for instance, and the Propontis, 
and many other places, are peopled with their settlers. 

Anaximenes ^ of Lampsacus says, that the Milesians colonized 

both the island Icarus and Lerus, and Limnae on the Hellespont, in 

the Chersonesus; in Asia, Abydus, Arisba, and Paesus; on the 

island of the Cyziceni, Artace and Cyzicus ; in the interior of the 

Troad, Scepsis. 

Strabo, I, p. 491 

18. This horn, close to the walls of Byzantium, is a bay, 
extending westwards sixty stadia, and resembling a stag's horn, 
for it is divided into a great many bays, like so many branches. 
The pelamides resort to these bays, and are easily taken, on account 
of their great number, and the force of the current, which drives 
them together in a body; and also on account of the narrowness 
of the bays, which is such that they are caught even by the hand. 
These fish are bred in the marshes of the Maeotis. When they 
have attained a little size and strength, they rush through the 
mouth in shoals, and are carried along the Asiatic coast as far as 
Trapezus and Pharnacia. It is here that the fishery begins, but it 
is not carried on to any considerable extent, because the fish are not 
of a proper size at this place. When they get as far as Sinope, they 
are in better season for the fishery, and for the purpose of salting. 
But when they have reached and passed the Cyaneae, a white rock 
projects from the Chalcedonian shore, which alarms the fish, so 

* Anaximenes, teacher of Alexander the Great, lived in the fourth century, B.C. 



38 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

that they immediately turn away to the opposite coast. There 
they are caught by the stream, and the nature of the places being 
such as to divert the current of the sea in that part toward Byzan- 
tium, and the horn near it, the fish are impelled thither in a body, 
and afford to the Byzantines, and to the Roman people, a large 
revenue. The Chalcedonians, however, although situated near, 
and on the opposite side, have no share of this supply, because the 
pelamides do not approach their harbors. 

Strabo, III, p. 239 

19. After the Bolbitine mouth there runs out to a great distance 
a low and sandy promontory. It is called Agnu-ceras (or Willow 
Point). Then follows the watch-tower of Perseus, and the fortress 
of the Milesians. For in the time of Psammetichus, and when 
Cyaxares was king of the Medes, some Milesians with thirty 
vessels steered into the Bolbitine mouth, disembarked there, and 
built the above-mentioned fortress. Some time afterwards they 
sailed up to the Saitic Nome, and having conquered Inarus in an 
engagement at sea, founded the city Naucratis, not far above 
Schedia. 

Strabo, III, p. 292 

20. Cyrene was founded by the inhabitants of Thera, a Lacedae- 
monian island which was formerly called Calliste, as Callimachus ^ 
says : 

'Xalliste once its name, but Thera in later times, the mother of my 
home, famed for its steeds." 

The harbor of Cyrene is situated opposite to Criu-Metopon, the 
western cape of Crete, distant 2000 stadia. The passage is made 
with a south-southwest wind. Cyrene is said to have been founded 
by Battus, whom CalHmachus claims to have been his ancestor. 
The city flourished from the excellence of the soil, w^hich is pecul- 
iarly adapted for breeding horses, and the growth of fine crops. 
^ Callimachus lived in the first half of the third century, B.C. 



COLONIZATION 39 

Herodotus, V, 42 
21. Cleomenes, as it is said, was not of sound mind, but almost 
mad; whereas Dorieus was the first of the young men of his age, 
and was fully convinced that by his virtues he should obtain the 
sovereignty; so that, being of this persuasion, when Anaxandrides 
died, and the Lacedaemonians, following the usual custom, ap- 
pointed the eldest, Cleomenes, to be king, Dorieus, being very in- 
dignant, and disdaining to be reigned over by Cleomenes, demanded 
a draft of men from the Spartans, and led them out to found a 
colony, without having consulted the oracle at Delphi to what land 
he should go and settle, nor doing any of those things that are usual 
on such occasions; but as he was very much grieved, he directed 
his ships to Libya, and some Theraeans piloted him. Having 
arrived at Cinyps, he settled near the river, in the most beautiful 
spot of the Libyans. But in the third year, being driven out from 
thence by the Macae, Libyans, and Carthaginians, he returned to 
Peloponnesus. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Locate, in color, upon an outline map of the Mediterranean 
(i) the colonizing states and (2) their colonies, drawing your informa- 
tion from the above extracts and a map. 2. In what parts of the Medi- 
terranean are the colonies the most numerous? 3. What states founded 
the largest number of colonies? 4. Were there any reasons that you 
can discover why these particular states should have been the leaders in 
colonization? 5. At what time were the colonies founded? 6. How 
did Strabo learn about these things? 7. Can we feel as certain of 
the truth of what we find in Strabo about the Greek colonies as we are 
concerning the acquisition of the Philippine Islands by the United 
States? 8. What connection was there between colonization and 
religion? 9. What kind of places attracted the colonists? 10. What 
were the occupations of the colonists? 11. Did the colonists of the 
same colony all come from the same place? 12. Why did they leave 
their homes? 13. What was the relation of the colonists to the mother 
country? 14. To the peoples in the country in which they were settled? 



40 



SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 



15. What was the government of the colonies? 16. What were some 
of the characteristics of a colonial city? 17. What were some of the 
most famous colonies and or what were they famous? 18. What was 
the climate of the countries colonized? 19. What were the products 
of the colonies and what was done with them? 20. Would it be an 
easy matter for the Greek colonies to form a single state like the 
United States? 21. Did they have any bonds of unity? 22. Compute 
in miles (mile = 5280 feet) the distances given in the text in stadia, 
23. Make an outline, based upon the answers to the above questions, 
after the answers have been discussed in the class. Write a narrative 
with the outline as a foundation, citing in foot-notes the evidence for 
the various statements. 




Fig. 4. Resting at a Wayside Herm 



III. UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE 
A. Oracles 

Herodotus, I, 13 

1. Thus Gyges obtained the kingdom, and was confirmed in it 
by the oracle at Delphi. For when the Lydians resented the mur- 
der of Candaules, and were up in arms, the partisans of Gyges 
and the other Lydians came to the following agreement : that if the 
oracle should pronounce him king of the Lydians, he should reign ; 
if not, he should restore the power to the Heraclidae. The oracle, 
however, answered accordingly, and so Gyges became king. But 
the Pythian added this, "that the HeracUdae should be avenged 
on the fifth descendant of Gyges.'' Of this prediction neither the 
Lydians nor their kings took any notice until it was actually 
accomplished. 

Herodotus, V, 62, 63 

2. While Hippias was tyrant, and embittered against the 
Athenians on account of the death of Hipparchus, the Alcmae- 
onidae, who were Athenians by extraction, and were then banished 
by the Pisistratidae, when they with other Athenian exiles did not 
succeed in their attempt to effect their return by force, but were 
signally defeated in their endeavors to reinstate themselves and 
liberate Athens, having fortified Lipsydrium, which is above 
Paeonia; thereupon the Alcmaeonidas, practising every scheme 
against the Pisistratidae, contracted w^ith the amphictyons to build 
the temple w^hich is now at Delphi, but then did not exist; and 
as they were wealthy, and originally men of distinction, they con- 
structed the temple in a more beautiful manner than the plan re- 
quired, both in other respects, and also, though it was agreed they 

41 



42 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

should make it of porine stone, they built its front of Parian marble. 
Accordingly, as the Athenians state, these men, while staying at 
Delphi, prevailed on the Pythian by money, when any Spartans 
should come thither to consult the oracle, either on their own ac- 
count or that of the pubHc, to propose to them to liberate Athens 
from servitude. The Lacedaemonians, when the same warning 
was always given them, sent AnchimoHus, son of Aster, a citizen 
of distinction, with an army to expel the Pisistratidas from Athens, 
though they were particularly united to them by the ties of friend- 
ship, for they considered their duty to the god more obligatory than 
their duty to men. 

Strabo, II, pp. 117, 118 

3. We have remarked, that Parnassus itself is situated on the 
western boundaries of Phocis. The western side of this mountain 
is occupied by the Locri Ozolae; on the southern is Delphi, a rocky 
spot, resembhng in shape a theatre; on its summit is the oracle, 
and also the city, which comprehends a circle of sixteen stadia. 
Above it lies Lycoreia; here the Delphians were formerly settled 
above the temple. At present they live close to it around the Cas- 
talian fountain. In front of the city, on the southern part, is 
Cirphis, a precipitous hill, leaving in the intermediate space a 
wooded ravine, through w^hich the river Pleistus flows. Below 
Cirphis, near the sea, is Cirrha, from which there is an ascent to 
Delphi of about eighty stadia. 

The temple at Delphi is now much neglected, although formerly 
it was held in the greatest veneration. Proofs of the respect which 
was paid to it are the treasuries constructed at the expense of com- 
munities and princes, w^here was deposited the wealth dedicated 
to sacred uses, the works of the most eminent artists, the Pythian 
games, and a multitude of celebrated oracles. 

The place where the oracle is delivered is said to be a deep hollow 
cavern, the entrance to which is not very wide. From it rises an 
exhalation which inspires a divine frenzy : over the mouth is placed 




Fig. 5. Sculptured Drum of Column from Ephesus 



UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE 43 

a lofty tripod on which the Pythian Princess ascends to receive the 
exhalation, after which she gives the prophet's response in verse or 
prose. The prose is adapted to measure by poets who are in the 
service of the temple. . . . 

Although the highest honor was paid to this temple on account 
of the oracle, (for it was the most exempt of any from deception,) 
yet its reputation was owing in part to its situation in the centre 
of all Greece, both within and without the isthmus. It was also 
supposed to the the centre of the habitable earth. 

Pausanias, II, p. 228 

4. And the temple which still exists was built by the amphic- 

tyones out of the sacred money, and its architect was the Corinthian 

Spintharus. 

Herodotus, I, 14 

5. Gyges, having obtained the kingdom, sent many offerings to 
Delphi: for most of the silver offerings at Delphi are his; and 
besides the silver he gave a vast quantity of gold, and among the 
rest, what is especially worthy of mention, the bowls of gold, six 
in number, were dedicated by him. This Gyges is the first of the 
barbarians whom we know of that dedicated offerings at Delphi : 
except Midas, son of Gordius, king of Phrygia. For Midas dedi- 
cated the royal throne, on which he used to sit and administer jus- 
tice, a piece of workmanship deserving of admiration. This throne 
stands in the same place as the bowls of Gyges. 

Herodotus, I, 46, 47 

6. After he (Croesus) had formed this purpose, he determined 
to make trial as well of the oracles of Greece as that in Lydia; 
and sent different persons to different places, some to Delphi, 
some to Abae of Phocis, and some to Dodona ; others were sent to 
Amphiaraos and Trophonios, and others to Branchidae of Milesia. 

These were the Grecian oracles to which Croesus sent to consult. 
. . . But no sooner had the Lydians entered the temple of Delphi 



44 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

to consult the god and ask the question enjoined them than the 
Pythian thus spoke in hexameter verse: ''I know the number of 
the sands and the measure of the sea ; I understand the dumb 
and hear him that does not speak ; the savor of the hard-shell tor- 
toise boiled in brass with the flesh of lamb strikes on my senses; 
brass is laid beneath it and brass is put over it.'^ 

The Lydians, having written down this answer of the Pythian, 
returned to Sardis. . . . When, however, he (Croesus) heard that 
from Delphi, he immediately adored it, and approved of it, being 
convinced that the oracle at Delphi alone w^as a real oracle, because 
it had discovered what he had done. For when he had sent persons 
to consult the different oracles, watching the appointed day (Croe- 
sus' instructions to his envoys were that, computing the days from 
the time of their departure from Sardis, they should consult the 
oracle on the hundredth day by asking what Croesus was then 
doing), he had recourse to the following contrivance: having 
thought what it was impossible to discover or guess at, he cut up a 
tortoise and a lamb, and boiled them himself together in a brazen 
caldron and put on it a cover of brass. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was an oracle? 2. How many were there in Greece? 
3. Where was the most important located? 4. Describe its location 
and appearance. 5. What kinds of questions were laid before the ora- 
cles and by whom ? 6. How was the answer obtained and in what form 
was it given ? 7. What was there peculiar about the answers ? 8. Did 
the Greeks believe in the truth of the answers? 9. Did they believe 
in the honesty of the priests? 10. Do we know that the story told by 
Herodotus about the Alcmaeonidae is true? 11. If true, what effect 
would it have upon the respect of the Greeks for the oracle? 12. Is it 
possible that the Pythian priestess was more than a common woman? 
13. Are there people to-day that claim similar powers? 14. Is it 
probable that the story told by Herodotus about Croesus and the oracle 
is true? 15. How was the oracle supported? 



UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE 45 

B. Amphictyonies 

Pausanias, II, p. 232 

1. Some think that Amphictyon, the son of Deucalion, appointed 
the great council of the Greeks, and that was why those who assem- 
bled at the council were called amphictyones ; but Androtion in 
his history of Attica says that originally delegates came to Delphi 
from the neighboring people who were called amphictyones, and in 
process of time the name amphictyones prevailed. . . . And in 
my time the amphictyones w^re thirty members. Six came from 
NicopoHs, six from Macedonia, six from Thessaly, two from the 
Boeotians (who were originally in Thessaly and called iEoHans), 
two from Phocis, and two from Delphi, one from ancient Doris, 
one from the Locrians, called Ozolae, one from the Locrians oppo- 
site Euboea, one from Euboea, one from Argos, Sicyon, Corinth, and 
Megara, and one from Athens. Athens and Delphi and Nicopolis 
sent delegates to every amphictyonic council : but the other cities 
I have mentioned only join the amphictyonic council at certain 

times. 

Strabo, II, p. 109 

2. The amphictyonic council usually assembled at Oncestus, in 
the territory of Haliartus, near the lake Copais, and the Teneric 
plain. It is situated on a height, devoid of trees, where is a temple 
of Neptune, also without trees. 

Strabo, II, p. 118 

3. As the situation of Delphi is convenient, persons easily assem- 
bled there, particularly those from the neighborhood, of whom the 
amphictyonic body is composed. It is the business of this body 
to deHberate on pubHc affairs, and to it is more particularly in- 
trusted the guardianship of the temple for the common good : for 
large sums of money were deposited there, and votive offerings, 
which required great vigilance and rehgious care. The early his- 
tory of this body is unknown, but among the names which are re- 



46 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

corded, Acrisius appears to have been the first to have regulated its 
constitution, to have determined what cities were to have votes in 
the council, and to have assigned the number of votes and mode of 
voting. To some cities he gave a single vote each, or a vote to two 
cities, or to several cities conjointly. He also defined the class of 
questions which might arise between the different cities, which 
w^ere to be submitted to the decision of the amphictyonic tribunals; 
and subsequently many other regulations were made, but this 
body, hke that of the Achaians, was finally dissolved. 

At first twelve cities are said to have assembled, each of which 
sent a pylagoras. The convention was held twice a year, in spring 
and autumn. But latterly a great number of cities assembled. 
They called both the vernal and the autumnal convention Pylaean, 
because it was held at Pylae, which has the name also of Ther- 
mopylae. The pylagorae sacrificed to Ceres. 

In the beginning, the persons in the neighborhood only assembled 
or consulted the oracle, but afterwards people repaired thither 
from a distance for this purpose, sent gifts, and constructed 
treasuries. 

Herodotus, VII, 200 
4. To the south of the Asopus is another river, the Phoenix. 
It is the narrowest, for only a single carriage road has been con- 
structed there. From the river Phoenix it is fifteen stades to Ther- 
mopylae, and between the river Phoenix and Thermopylae is a vil- 
lage, the name of which is Anthela, by which the Asopus flowing 
falls into the sea. The country about it is wide, and in it is situated 
a temple of Ceres Amphictyonis, and there are the seats of the am- 
phictyons and a temple of Amphictyon himself. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was the amphictyonic council? 2. Where and when did it 
meet? 3. Why did it meet ? 4. Of whom was it composed? 5. How 
was it related to the oracle at Delphi? 



UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE 47 

C. Games and Festivals 

Pausanias, I, pp. 316, 318 

I. From the time the Olympian games were revived continu- 
ously, prizes were first instituted for running, and Coroebus of Elis 
was the victor. His statue is at Olympia and his grave is on the 
borders of Elis. And in the 14th Olympiad afterwards the double 
course was introduced, when Hypenus, a native of Pisa, won the 
wild olive crown, and Acanthus the second. And in the i8th 
Olympiad they remembered the pentathlon and the wrestling. . . . 
And in the 23d Olympiad they ordained prizes for boxing. . . . 
And in the 25th Olympiad they had a race of full-grown horses. 
. . . And in the 8th Olympiad late they introduced the pancra- 
tium and the riding race. The horse of Crannonian Crauxidas 
got in first, and the competitors for the pancratium were beaten by 
the Syracusan Lygdamus, who has his sepulchre at the stone quar- 
ries of Syracuse. And I don't know whether Lygdamus was really 
as big as the Theban Hercules, but that is the tradition at Syracuse. 
And the contest of the boys was not a revival of ancient usage, but 
the people of EHs instituted it because the idea pleased them. So 
prizes were instituted for running and wrestling among boys in the 
307th Olympiad. . . . And in the 41st Olympiad afterwards they 
invited boxing boys. . . . And the race in heavy armor was tried 
in the 65th Olympiad as an exercise for war, I think; and of 
those who ran with their shields Damaretus of Heraeum was the 
victor. . . . 

The order of the games in our day is to sacrifice victims to the 
god and then to contend in the pentathlon and horse-race, ac- 
cording to the programme estabhshed in the 77th Olympiad, 
for before this horses and men contended on the same day. And 
at that period the pancrataists did not appear till night, for they 
could not compete sooner, so much time being taken up by the 
horse-races and pentathlon. . . . But in the 25th Olympiad after- 



48 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

wards nine general umpires were appointed, three for the horses, 
three to watch the pentathlon, and three to preside over the remain- 
ing games. And in the 2d Olympiad after this a tenth umpire was 
appointed. And in the 103d Olympiad, as the people of Elis had 
twelve tribes, a general umpire was appointed by each. 

Pausanias, II, p. 138 

2. He won they say the horse-race at Olympia, when Hercules the 
Theban established the Olympian games. Why a crown of wild 
olive was given to the victor at Olympia I have show^n in my ac- 
count of Elis, and w^hy of laurel at Delphi I shall show hereafter. 
And at the Isthmian games pine, at the Nemean games parsley, 
w^ere wont to be the prize, as w^e know from the cases of Palaemon 
and Archemorus. But most games have a crown of palm as the 
prize, and everywhere the palm is put into the right hand of the 
victor. 

Thucydides, III, 104. 

3. It was at this time, too, after the purification, that the Athe- 
nians first celebrated the quinquennial festival of the Delian games. 
There had been, however, even in very early times, a great assem- 
bly of the lonians and the neighboring islanders held at Delos; 
for they used to come to the feast with their wives and children, as 
the lonians now do to the Ephesian festivals, and gymnastic and 
musical contests were held, and the different cities took up bands 
of dancers. Homer shows most clearly that such was the case, in 
the following verses, taken from a hymn to Apollo : 

''Anon to Delos, Phoebus, wouldst thou come, 
Still most delighting in thine island-home; 
Where the long-robed lonians thronging meet, 
With wives and children, at thy hallow'd seat; 
With buffets, dance, and song extol thy name, 
And win thy smile upon their solemn game.'* 



UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE 49 

That there was a musical contest also, and that they went to take 
part in it, he shows again in the following verses, taken from the 
same hymn. For after mentioning the Delian dance of the women, 
he ends his praise of the god with these verses, in which he also 
makes mention of himself : 

''Now be Apollo kind, and Dian too; 
And ye, fair Delian damsels, all adieu ! 
But in your memory grant me still a home; 
And oft as to your sacred isle may come 
A pilgrim care-worn denizen of earth, 
And ask, while joining in your social mirth, 
'Maidens, of all the bards that seek your coast, 
'Who sings the sweetest, and who charms you most?' 
Then answer one and all, with gracious smile, 
'A blind old man who lives in Chios' rocky isle.''' 

Such evidence does Homer afford of there having been, even in 
early times, a great assembly and festival at Delos. But after- 
ward, though the islanders and the Athenians sent the bands of 
dancers with sacrifices, the games and the greater part of the ob- 
servances were abolished — as is most probable, through adversity 
— until the Athenians held the games at that time, with horse- 
races, which before had not been usual. 

Xenophon, Hellenica, VI, 4, 30 

4. B.C. 370. The Pythian games were now approaching, and 
an order went round the cities from Jason to make preparation 
for the solemn sacrifice of oxen, sheep, and goats, and swine. It 
was reported that although the requisitions upon the several cities 
were moderate, the number of beeves did not fall short of a thou- 
sand, while the rest of the sacrificial beasts exceeded ten times that 
number. He issued a proclamation also to this effect: a golden 
wreath of victory should be given to whichever city could produce 



50 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

the best-bred bull to head the procession in honor of the god. 
And lastly there was an order issued to all the Thessalians to be 
ready for a campaign at the date of the Pythian games. His inten- 
tion, as people said, was to act as manager of the solemn assembly 
and games in person. What the thought was that passed through 
his mind with reference to the sacred money, remains to this day 
uncertain ; only a tale is rife to the effect that in answer to an in- 
quiry of the Delphians, ''What ought we to do, if he takes any 
of the treasures of the god?" the god made answer, ''He would 
see to that himself." 

Strabo, II, p. 120 

5. There was anciently a contest held at Delphi, of players on 
the cithara, who executed a paean in honor of the god. It was 
instituted by Delphians. But after the Crisaean war the am- 
phictyons, in the time of Eurylochus, established contests for horses 
and gymnastic sports, in which the victor was crowned. These 
were called Pythian games. The players on the cithara were 
accompanied by players on the flute, and by citharists, who per- 
formed without singing. They -performed a strain (Melos), 
called the Pythian mood (Nomos). It consisted of five parts; the 
anacrusis, the ampeira, cataceleusmus, iambics and dactyls, and 
pipes. Timosthenes, the commander of the fleet of the Second 
Ptolemy, and who was the author of a work in ten books on har- 
bors, composed a melos. His object was to celebrate in this 
melos the contest of Apollo with the serpent Python. The anacru- 
sis was intended to express the prelude ; the ampeira; the first onset 
of the contest; the cataceleusmus, the contest itself; the iambics 
and dactyls denoted the triumphal strain on obtaining the victory, 
together with musical measures, of which the dactyl is pecuHarly 
appropriated to praise, and the use of the iambic to insult and 
reproach; the syringes or pipes described the death, the players 
imitating the hissings of the expiring monster. 



UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE 51 

Pindar, Olympian Odes, IX 

6. Fit speech may I find for my journey in the Muses' car; and 
let me therewith have daring and powers of ample scope. To back 
the prowess of a friend I came, when Lampromachos won his 
Isthmian crown, when on the same day both he and his brother 
overcame. And afterwards at the gates of Corinth two triumphs 
again befell Epharmostos and more in the valleys of Nemea. At 
Argos he triumphed over men, as over boys at Athens. And I 
might tell how at Marathon he stole from among the beardless and 
confronted the full-grown for the prize of silver vessels, how without 
a fall he threw his men with swift and coming shock, and how loud 
the shouting pealed when round the ring he ran, in the beauty of 
his youth and fair form and fresh from fairest deeds. 

Pindar, Olympian Odes, X 

7. Ample is the glory stored for Olympian whinners; thereof 
my shepherd tongue is fain to keep some part in fold. But only 
by the help of God is w^isdom kept ever blooming in the soul. 

Son of Archestratos, Agesidamos, know certainly that for thy 
boxing I will lay a glory of sweet strains upon thy crown of golden 
olive and will have in remembrance the race of the Lokrians 
colony in the west. 

Pindar, Olympian Odes, XI 

8. Who then won to their lot the new-appointed crown by 
hands or feet or chariot, setting before them the prize of glory 
in the games, and winning it by their act ? In the foot-race down 
the straight course of the stadion was Likymnios' son Oionos first, 
from Nodea had he led his host : in the wrestling was Tegea glori- 
fied by Echemos: Doryklos won the prize of boxing, a dweller 
in the city of Tiryns, and with the four-horse chariot, Samos of 
Mantinea, Halirrhotios' son: with the javelin Phrastor hit the 
mark : in distance Enikeus beyond all others hurled the stone with 



52 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

a circling sweep, and all the warrior company thundered a great 
applause. 

Then on the evening the lovely shining of the fair-faced moon 
beamed forth, and all the precinct sounded w^ith songs of festal glee, 
after the manner which is to this day for triumph. 

Pindar, Olympian Odes, XIII 

9. Also two parsley-wreaths shadowed his head before the peo- 
ple at the games of Isthmos, nor doth Nemea tell a different tale. 
And of his father Thessalos' hghtning feet is record by the streams 
of Alpheos, and at Pytho he hath renown for the single and for the 
double stadion gained both in a single day, and in the same month 
at rocky Athens a day of swiftness crowned his hair for three illus- 
trious deedS; and the Hellotia seven times, and at the games of 
Poseidon between seas longer hymns followed his father Ptoiodoros 
with Terpsias and Eritimos. And how often ye w^ere first at 
Delphi or in the Pastures of the Lion, though with full many do I 
match your crowd of honors, yet can I no more surely tell than the 
tale of pebbles on the sea-shore. 

Pindar, Nemean Odes, VI 

10. From the pleasant meeting-places of Nemea hath the ath- 
lete boy come back, who following the ordinance of Zeus hath now 
approved him no baffled hunter in his wrestling-quest, and hath 
guided his feet by the foot-prints of Praxidamas, his father's father, 
of whose blood he sprang. 

For Praxidamas also by his Olympian victory first won the olive- 
wreath from Alpheos for the Aiakidai, and five times being crow^ned 
at Isthmos, at Nemea thrice, he took away thereby the obscurity 
of Sokleides, who was the eldest of the sons of Agesimachos. 

For these three warriors attained unto the topmost height of 
prowess, of all who essayed the games, and by the grace of God to 
no other house hath the boxing-match given keeping of so many 
crowns in the inmost place of all Hellas. 



UNIFICATION OF GREEK LIFE 



53 



For at sacred Pytho in like wise did a scion of the same stock 
overcome, with the thong of the boxer bound about his hand, even 
Kallias in whom were well-pleased the children of Leto of the golden 
distaff, and beside Kastaly in the evening his name burnt bright, 
w^hen the glad sounds of the Graces rose. 

Pindar, Isthmian Odes, I 

II. For six crow^ns has Isthmos given from her games to the 
people of Kadmos, a fair glory of triumph for my country, for the 
land wherein Alkmene bare her dauntless son, before whom trem- 
bled aforetime the fierce hounds of Geryon. 

But I for Herodotos' praise am fain to do honor unto his four- 
horsed car, and to marry to the strain of Kastoreian or lolaic song 
the fame that he has earned, handling his reins in his own and no 
helping hand. 

For these Kastor and lolaos were of all heroes the mightiest 
charioteers, the one to Lakedaimon, the other born to Thebes. 
And at the games they entered oftenest for the strife, and with tri- 
pods and caldrons and cups of gold they made fair their houses, 
attaining unto victorious crow^ns: clear shineth their prowess 
in the foot-race, run naked or w^ith clattering shield; and when 
they hurled the javelin and the quoit ; for there was no fivefold 
game, but for each several feat there was a prize. 

QUESTIONS 

I. At how many places were games celebrated in Greece? 2. Lo 
cate them on a map of Greece. 3. Why were the games celebrated? 
4. Who attended the games? 5. What were the characteristic fea- 
tures of the different games? 6. Which of the games were the most 
famous? 7. What were the rewards of the victors in the games? 
8. Was it a great honor to win in the games ? 9. Make a list of the 
effects that the games must have had upon Greek life. 



IV. THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 

A. Spartan Conquests and Spartan Society 
a. Conquest of the Peloponnesus 

Pausanias, I, p. 171 

1. And the son of Agesilaus was Archelaus. In his reign the 
Lacedaemonians conquered in war and enslaved one of the neigh- 
boring cities called Aegys, suspecting that the people of it had an 
understanding with the Arcadians. And Charillus, the king of the 
other family, assisted Archelaus against Aegys. . . . And the son 
of Archelaus was Teleclus. In his reign the Lacedaemonians took 
in war the neighboring cities of Amyclae and Pharis and Geran- 
thrae, which were then in the possession of the Achaeans, and razed 
them to the ground. The inhabitants however of Pharis and 
Geranthrae, being terrified at the approach of the Dorians, agreed 
to evacuate the Peloponnese upon conditions: but the people of 
Amyclae they could not drive out at first assault, but only after a 
long siege and the greatest exhibition of valor. 

Pausanias, I, p. 180 

2. And Eurypon had a son Prytanis, and it was in his days that 
animosity broke out between the Lacedaemonians and Argives, 
and even earlier than this quarrel they fought with the Cynurians, 
but during the succeeding generations, when Eunomus the son of 
Prytanis and Polydectes the son of Eunomus were kings, Sparta 
continued at peace. But Charillus the son of Polydectes ravaged 
the Argive territory, and made a raid into Argolis, and under his 
leadership the Spartans went out to Tegea, when the Lacedae- 
monians hoped to take Tegea and slice the district off from Arcadia 

54 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 55 

following a beguiling oracle. And after the death of Charillus 
Nicander his son succeeded to the kingdom, and it was in his reign 
that the Messenians killed Teleclus the king of the other family 
in the temple of Artemis Limnas. And Nicander invaded Argolis 
with an army, and ravaged most of the country. And the Asi- 
naeans, having taken part with the Lacedaemonians in this expedi- 
tion, not long afterwards paid the penalty to the Argives in the 
destruction of their country and their own exile. 

Pausanias, I, p. 275 

3. And the Lacedaemonians, when they had made themselves 
masters of Messenia, shared it out among themselves, all but the 
territory of the Asinaei, and Methone they gave to the people of 
NaupHa, who had recently been ejected by the Argives. 

Pausanias, I, p. 164 

4. And when the Lacedaemonians under their king Nicander, the 
son of Charillus, the son of Polydectes, the son of Eunomus, the 
son of Prytanis, the son of Eurypon, invaded Argolis with an army, 
the people of Asine joined them, and ravished with them the terri- 
tory of the Argives. But when the Lacedaemonian force went home 
again, then the Argives and their king Eratus marched against 
Asine. And for some time the people of Asine defended their 
walls, and slew several of the most valiant of the Argives and 
among them Lysistratus ; but when their walls were carried, then 
they put their wives and children on shipboard and left the town, 
and the Argives razed it to the ground, and added it to their terri- 
tory, but they left the temple of Apollo standing, and it is now to be 
seen, and they buried Lysistratus near it. 

Thucydides, IV, 53 

5. This Cytherea is an island lying off Laconia, opposite to 
Maleae. The inhabitants are Laconians, of the class of the peri- 
oeci, and an officer called the judge of Cythera went over to the 



56 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

place annually. They also sent over regularly a garrison of 
heavy-armed and paid great attention to it. For it was their 
landing-place for merchantmen from Egypt and Lybia ; and at the 
same time privateers were less able to annoy Laconia from the sea, 
the only side on which it could be injured; for the whole of it 
runs out toward the SiciHan and Cretan seas. 

Tyrtaeus, War Songs, III 
This — this is virtue : This — the noblest meed 

That can adorn our youth with fadeless rays; 
While all the perils of the adventurous deed, 

The new -strung vigor of the state repays. 

Amid the foremost of the embattled train, 
Lo, the young hero hails the glowing fight; 

And, though falFn troops around him press the plain, 
Still fronts the foe, nor brooks inglorious flight. 

His life — his fervid soul opposed to death. 

He dares the terrors of the field defy; 
Kindles each spirit with his panting breath. 

And bids his comrade -warriors nobly die ! 

See, see, dismayed, the phalanx of the foe 
Turns round, and hurries o'er the plain afar- 

While doubling, as afresh, the deadly blow. 
He rules, intrepid chief, the waves of war. 

Now fall'n, the noblest of the van, he dies ! 

His city by the beauteous death renowned; 
His low-bent father marking, where he lies. 

The shield, the breastplate, hacked by many a wound. 

The young — the old, alike commingling tears, 
His country's heavy grief bedews the grave; 

And all his race in verdant lustre wears 

Fame's richest wreath, transmitted from the brave. 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 57 

Though mixed with earth the perishable clay, 
His name shall live, while glory loves to tell, 

'^True to his country how he won the day, 
How firm the hero stood, how calm he fell ! 

But if he 'scape the doom of death, (the doom 
To long — long dreary slumbers,) he returns, 

While trophies flash, and victor-laurels bloom. 
And all the splendor of the triumph burns. 

The old — the young — caress him, and adore; 

And with the city's love, through life, repaid. 
He sees each comfort, that endears, in store. 

Till, the last hour, he sinks to Pluto's shade. 

Old as he droops, the citizens, o'erawed, 

(Ev'n veterans,) to his mellow glories yield; 
Nor would in thought dishonor or defraud 

The hoary soldier of the well-fought field. 

Be yours to reach such eminence of fame; 

To gain such heights of virtue nobly dare. 
My youths ! and, 'mid the fervor of acclaim. 

Press, press to glory ; nor remit the war ! 

Tyrtaeus, War Songs, IV 
Rouse, rouse, my youths ! the chain of torpor break ! 

Spurn idle rest, and couch the glittering lance ! 
What, does not shame with blushes stain your cheek. 

Quick -mantling, as ye catch the warrior's glance? 

* * * Sfj 5|J 

What time the fates ordain, pale death appears: 

Then, with firm step and sword high drawn, depart; 

And, marching through the first thick shower of spears. 
Beneath thy buckler guard the intrepid heart 



58 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Each mortal, though he boast celestial fires, 

Slave to the sovereign destiny of death, 
Or 'mid the carnage of the plain expires, 

Or yields unwept at home his coward breath. 

Yet sympathy attends the brave man's bier; 

Sees on each wound the balmy grief bestowed; 
And, as in death the universal tear, 

Through life inspires the homage of a god. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How did Sparta become the most powerful state in the Pelopon- 
nesus? 2. Against what states was it forced to struggle? 3. Mark 
on the map the different Spartan conquests referred to in the sources. 
4. What was one of the most important of these? 5. Our knowledge 
of what happened in this early period is largely drawn from Pausanias. 
How do we know that what he tells us is true ? 6. Have the war songs 
of Tyrtaeus more or less value as sources than the history of Pausanias ? 
7. Read the songs aloud and remember that they were old-time Spartan 
battle songs. 8. Judging from the songs, what was the Spartan ideal? 
9. Why did the Spartans fight well? 10. Was the Spartan king an 
important personage in this early period? Why? 

b. Spartan Society 

Thucydides, I, 18 

I. For Lacedaemon, after the settlement of the Dorians, who 
now inhabit it, though torn by factions the longest time of any 
country that we are acquainted with, yet from the earHest period 
enjoyed good laws and was alw^ays free from tyrants; for it was 
about four hundred years or a little more, to the end of this war, 
that the Lacedaemonians have been in possession of the same 
form of government; and being for this reason powerful, they 
settled matters in the other states also. 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND AtHENS 59 

Xenophon, The Polity of the Lacedcemonians , I, i 

2. I recall the astonishment with which I first noted the unique 
position of Sparta amongst the states of Hellas, the relatively sparse 
population, and at the same time the extriaordinary powers and 
prestige of the community. I was puzzled to account for the fact. 
It was only when I came to consider the pecuhar institutions of the 
Spartans, that my wonderment ceased. Or rather, it is transferred 
to the legislator who gave them those laws, obedience to which has 
been the secret of their prosperity. This legislator, Lycurgus, I 
must needs admire, and hold him to have been one of the wisest of 
mankind. Certainly he was no servile imitator of other states. 
It was by a stroke of invention rather, and on a pattern much in 
opposition to the commonly accepted one, that he brought his 
fatherland to this pinnacle of prosperity. 

Plutarch, Lives, I, p. 66 

3. There is so much uncertainty in the accounts which histo- 
rians have left us of Lycurgus, the lawgiver of Sparta, that scarcely 
anything is asserted by one of them which is not called into ques- 
tion or contradicted by the rest. Their sentiments are quite differ- 
ent as to the family he came of, the voyages he undertook, the place 
and manner of his death, but most of all when they speak of the 
laws he made and the commonwealth which he founded. They 
cannot, by any means, be brought to any agreement as to the very 
age in which he lived ; for some of them say that he flourished in 
the time of Iphitus, and that they two jointly contrived the ordi- 
nance for the cessation of arms during the solemnity of the Olympic 
games. Of this opinion was Aristotle ; and for confirmation of it, 
he alleges an inscription upon one of the copper quoits used in those 
sports, upon which the name of Lycurgus continued uneffaced to his 
time. But Eratosthenes^ and ApoUodorus^ and other chronolo- 

^ Eratosthenes, 272-190 B.C. Born at Cyrene, lived at Alexandria. 
2 Apollodorus, 150 B.C. An Athenian. 



6o SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

gers, computing the time by the successions of the Spartan kings, 
pretend to demonstrate that he was much more ancient than the 
institution of the Olympic games. Timaeus ^ conjectures that there 
were two of this name, and in diverse times, but that the one of them 
being much more famous than the other, men gave to him the 
glory of the exploits of both ; the elder of the two according to him, 
w^as not long after Homer; and some are so particular as to say 
that he had seen him. But that he was of great antiquity may be 
gathered from a passage in Xenophon, w^here he makes him con- 
temporary with the HeracHdae too ; but he seems in that place to 
speak of the first and more immediate successors of Hercules. But 
notwithstanding this confusion and obscurity, we shall endeavor 
to compose the history of his life, adhering to those statements 
which are least contradicted, and depending upon those authors 
who are most worthy of credit. 

Plutarch, Lives, I, pp. 71, 72 

4. Amongst the many changes and alterations which Lycurgus 
made, the first and of greatest importance w^as the establishment 
of the senate, which having a powder equal to the kings' in matters 
of great consequence, and, as Plato expresses it, allaying and quah- 
fying the fiery genius of the royal office, gave steadiness and safety 
to the commonwealth. For the state, which before had no firm 
basis to stand upon, but leaned one while towards an absolute 
monarchy, w^hen the kings had the upper hand, and another while 
towards a pure democracy, when the people had the better, found 
in this estabhshment of the senate a central weight, like ballast in a 
ship, which always kept things in a just equilibrium; the twenty- 
eight always adhering to the kings so far as to resist democracy, 
and on the other hand, supporting the people against the estab- 
lishment of absolute monarchy. As for the determinate number of 
twenty-eight, Aristotle states, that it so fell out because two of the 

^ Timaeus, 359-262 B.C. Born in Sicily, but lived at Athens. 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 6i 

original associates, for want of courage, fell off from the enterprise ; 
but Sphaerus assures us that there were but twenty-eight of the 
confederates at first ; perhaps there is some mystery in the number 
which consists of seven multiplied by four, and is the first of perfect 
numbers after six, being, as that is, equal to all its parts. For my 
part, I believe Lycurgus fixed upon the number of twenty-eight, 
that, the two kings being reckoned amongst them, they might be 
thirty in all. So eagerly set was he upon this establishment, that 
he took the trouble to obtain an oracle about it from Delphi, the 
Rhetra, which runs thus: ''After that you have built a temple to 
Jupiter Hellanius, and to Minerva Hellania, and after that you 
have phyle'd the people into phyles, and obe'd them into obes, you 
shall establish a council of thirty elders, the leaders included, and 
shall, from time to time, apellazein the people betwixt Babyca 
and Cnacion, there propound and put to the vote. The commons 
have the final voice and decision." By phyles and obes are meant 
the divisions of the people; by the leaders, the two kings; apel- 
lazein, referring to the Pythian Apollo, signifies to assemble; 
Babyca and Cnacion they now call (Enus ; Aristotle says Cnacion 
is a river, and Babyca a bridge. Betwixt this Babyca and Cnacion, 
their assemblies were held, for they had no council-house or build- 
ing to meet in. Lycurgus was of opinion that ornaments were so 
far from advantaging them in their counsels, that they were rather 
an hinderance, by diverting their attention from the business be- 
fore them to statues and pictures, and roofs curiously fretted, the 
usual embellishments of such places amongst the other Greeks. 
The people then being thus assembled in the open air, it was not 
allowed to any one of their order to give his advice, but only either 
to ratify or reject what should be propounded to them by the king 
or senate. But because it fell out afterwards that the people, by 
adding or omitting words, distorted and perverted the sense of 
propositions, kings Polydorus and Theopompus inserted into the 
Rhetra, or grand covenant, the following clause: ''That if the 



62 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

people decide crookedly it should be lawful for the elders and 
leaders to dissolve;" that is to say, refuse ratification, and dismiss 
the people as depravers and perverters of their counsel. It passed 
among the people, by their management, as being equally authen- 
tic with the rest of the Rhetra, as appears by these verses of 
Tyrtaeus : — 

These oracles they from Apollo heard, 
And brought from Pytho home the perfect word: 
The heaven-appointed kings, who love the land, 
Shall foremost in the nation's council stand; 
The elders next to them; the commons last; 
Let a straight Rhetra among all be passed. 

Although Lycurgus had, in this manner, used all the qualifica- 
tions possible in the constitution of his commonwealth, yet those 
who succeeded him found the oligarchical element still too strong 
and dominant, and to check its high temper and its violence, 
put, as Plato says, a bit in its mouth, which was the power of the 
ephori estabHshed an hundred and thirty years after the death of 
Lycurgus. 

Plutarch, Lives, I, pp. 73, 74 

5. After the creation of the thirty senators, his next task, and, 
indeed, the most hazardous he ever undertook, was the making 
a new division of their lands. For there was an extreme inequality 
amongst them, and their state was overloaded with a multitude of 
indigent and necessitous persons, while its whole wealth had centred 
upon a very few. To the end, therefore, that he might expel from 
the state arrogance and envy, luxury and crime, and those yet more 
inveterate diseases of want and superfluity, he obtained of them 
to renounce their properties, and to consent to a new division of the 
land, and that they should Hve all together on an equal footing; 
merit to be their only road to eminence, and the disgrace of evil, 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 63 

and credit of worthy acts, their one measure of difference between 
man and man. 

Upon their consent to these proposals, proceeding at once to put 
them into execution, he divided the country of Laconia in general 
into thirty thousand equal shares, and the part attached to the city 
of Sparta into nine thousand ; these he distributed among the 
Spartans, as he did the others to the country citizens. Some 
authors say that he made but six thousand lots for the citizens of 
Sparta, and that king Polydorus added three thousand more. 
Others say that Polydorus doubled the number Lycurgus had 
made, which, according to them, w^as but four thousand five hun- 
dred. A lot w^as so much as to yield, one year with another, about 
seventy bushels of grain for the master of the family, and twelve for 
his wife, with a suitable proportion of oil and wine. And this he 
thought sufficient to keep their bodies in good health and strength ; 
superfluities they were better without. It is reported, that, as he 
returned from a journey shortly after the divisions of the lands, in 
harvest time, the ground being newly reaped, seeing the stacks all 
standing equal and alike, he smiled, and said to those about him, 
^^Methinks all Laconia looks like one family estate just divided 
among a number of brothers." 

Herodotus, VI, 56-60 
6. These are the royal rights which have been given by the 
Spartans to their kings, namely, two priesthoods, of Zeus Lakedai- 
mon and Zeus Uranios; and the right of making war against 
whatsoever land they please, and that no man of the Spartans shall 
hinder this right, or if he do, he shall be subject to the curse ; and 
that when they go on expeditions the kings shall go out first and 
return last ; that a hundred picked men shall be their guard upon 
expeditions; and that they shall use in their goings forth to war 
as many cattle as they desire, and take both the hides and the backs 
of all that are sacrificed. 



64 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

These are their privileges in war; and in peace moreover 
things have been assigned to them as follows: if any sacrifice is 
performed at the public charge, it is the privilege of the kings to sit 
down to the feast before all others, and that the attendants shall 
begin with them first, and serve to each of them a portion of every- 
thing double of that which is given to the other guests, and that 
they shall have the first pouring of libations and the hides of the 
animals slain in sacrifice ; that on every new moon and seventh day 
of the month there shall be delivered at the public charge to each 
one of these a full-grown victim in the temple of Apollo, and a 
measure of barley-groats and a Laconian ''quarter" of wine; 
and at all the games they shall have seats of honor specially set 
apart for them : moreover it is their privilege to appoint as pro- 
tectors of strangers whomsoever they will of the citizens, and to 
choose each two ''pythians.'' Now the pythians are men sent to 
consult the god at Delphi, and they eat with the kings at the public 
charge. And if the kings do not come to the dinner, it is the rule 
that there shall be sent out for them to their houses two quarts 
of barley-groats for each one and half a pint of w4ne; but if they 
are present, double shares of everything shall be given them, and 
moreover they shall be honored in this same manner when they 
have been invited to dinner by private persons. The kings also, 
it is ordained, shall have charge of the oracles w^hich are given, 
but the pythians also shall have knowledge of them. It is the rule 
moreover that the kings alone give decision on the following cases 
only, that is to say, about the maiden who inherits her father's 
property, namely who ought to have her, if her father have not 
betrothed her to any one, and about public ways ; also if any man 
desires to adopt a son, he must do it in presence of the kings : and 
it is ordained that they shall sit in council with the senators, who 
are in number eight-and-twenty, and if they do not come, those of 
the senators who are most closely related to them shall have the 
privileges of the kings and give two votes besides their own, making 
three in all. 




Fig. 6. Venus of Melos 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 65 

These rights have been assigned to the kings for their Ufe- 
time by the Spartan state; and after they are dead these which fol- 
low : horsemen go round and announce that which has happened 
throughout the whole of the Laconian land, and in the city women 
go about and strike upon a copper kettle. Whenever this happens 
so, two free persons of each household must go into mourning, a 
man and a woman, and for those who fail to do this great penalties 
are appointed. Now the custom of the Lacedaemonians about the 
death of their kings is the same as that of the barbarians who dwell 
in Asia, for most of the barbarians practise the same custom as 
regards the death of their kings. Whensoever a king of the 
Lacedaemonians is dead, then from the whole territory of Lacedae- 
mon, not reckoning the Spartans, a certain fixed number of the 
'^dwellers round'' are compelled to go to the funeral ceremony: 
and w^hen there have been gathered together of these and of the 
helots and of the Spartans themselves many thousands in the same 
place, with their women intermingled, they beat their foreheads 
with a good will and make lamentation without stint, saying that 
this one w^ho has died last of their kings was the best of all : and 
whenever any of their kings has been killed in war, they prepare an 
image to represent him, laid upon a couch with fair coverings, 
and carry it out to be buried. Then after they have buried him, 
no assembly is held among them for ten days, nor is there any 
meeting for choice of magistrates, but they have mourning during 
these days. 

In another respect too these resemble the Persians ; that is to 
say, when the king is dead and another is appointed king, this 
king who is newly coming in sets free any man of the Spartans who 
was a debtor to the king or to the state ; while among the Persians 
the king who comes to the throne remits to all the cities the arrears 
of tribute which are due. 

In the following point also the Lacedaemonians resemble the 
Egyptians ; that is to say, their heralds and flute-players and cooks 



66 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

inherit the crafts of their fathers, and a flute-player is the son of a 
flute-player, a cook of a cook, and a herald of a herald ; other men 
do not lay hands upon the office because they have loud and clear 
voices, and so shut them out of it, but they practise their craft by 
inheritance from their fathers. 

Xenophon, The Polity of the Lacedcemonians, II-XIII 

7. I wish now to explain the systems of education in fashion here 
and elsewhere. Throughout the rest of Hellas the custom on the 
part of those who claimed to educate their sons in the best way is 
as follows: As soon as the children are of an age to understand 
what is said to them they are immediately placed under the charge 
of paidagogoi (or tutors), who are also attendants, and sent off to 
the school of some teacher to be taught ^'grammar," *^ music," 
and the concerns of the palestra. Besides this they are given shoes 
to wear which tend to make their feet tender, and their bodies are 
enervated by various changes of clothing. And as for food, the 
only measure recognized is that which is fixed by appetite. 

But when we turn to Lycurgus, instead of leaving it to each 
member of the state privately to appoint a slave to be his son's 
tutor, he set over the young Spartans a public guardian, the paido- 
nomos or ^'pastor,'' to give him his proper title, with complete 
authority over them. This guardian was selected from those who 
filled the highest magistracies. He had authority to hold musters 
of the boys, and as their overseer, in case of any misbehavior, to 
chastise severely. The legislator further provided the pastor with 
a body of youths in the prime of life and bearing whips to inflict 
punishment when necessary, with this happy result, that in Sparta 
modesty and obedience ever go hand in hand, nor is there lack 
of either. 

Instead of softening their feet with shoe or sandal, his rule was 
to make them hardy through going barefoot. This habit, if 
practised, would, as he believed, enable them to scale heights 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 67 

more easily and clamber down precipices with less danger. In fact, 
with his feet so trained the young Spartan would leap and spring 
and run faster unshod than another shod in the ordinary way. 

Instead of making them effeminate with a variety of clothes, 
his rule was to habituate them to a single garment the whole year 
through, thinking that so they would be better prepared to with- 
stand the variations of heat and cold. 

Again, as regards food, according to his regulation, the eiren, or 
head of the flock, must see that his messmates gather to the club 
meal with such moderate food as to avoid that heaviness which is 
engendered by repletion and yet not to remain altogether unac- 
quainted with the pains of penurious Hving. His beHef was that 
by such training in boyhood they would be better able when occa- 
sion demanded to continue toiling on an empty stomach. They 
would be all the fitter, if the word of command were given, to 
remain on the stretch for a long time without extra dieting. The 
craving for luxuries w^ould be less, the readiness to take any victuals 
set before them greater, and, in general, the regime would be found 
more healthy. Under it he thought the lads would increase in 
stature and shape into finer men, since, as he maintained, a dietary 
which gave suppleness to the Hmbs must be more conducive to 
both ends than one which added thickness to the bodily parts by 
feeding. 

On the other hand, to guard against a too great pinch of starva- 
tion, though he did not actually allow the boys to help themselves 
without further trouble to w^hat they needed more, he did give them 
permission to steal this thing or that in the effort to alleviate their 
hunger. It was not of course from any real difficulty how else 
to supply them with nutriment that he left it with them to provide 
themselves by this crafty method. Nor can I conceive that any one 
will so misinterpret the custom. Clearly its explanation lies in the 
fact, that he who would live the life of a robber must forego sleep 
by night, and in the daytime he must employ shifts and lie in 



68 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

ambuscade; he must prepare and make ready his scouts, etc., if 
he is to succeed in capturing the quarry. . . . 

Coming to the critical period at which a boy ceases to be a 
boy and becomes a youth, we find that it is just then that the rest 
of the world proceeds to emancipate their children from the private 
tutor and the schoolmaster, and, without substituting any further 
ruler, are content to launch them into absolute independence. 

Here, again, Lycurgus took an entirely opposite view of the 
matter. This, if observ^ation might be trusted, was the season 
when the tide of animal spirit flows fast and a froth of insolence 
rises to the surface; when, too, the most violent appetites for 
divers pleasures, in serried ranks, invade the mind. This, then, 
was the right moment, at which to impose tenfold labors upon the 
growing youth, and to devise for him a subtle system of absorb- 
ing youth, and to devise for him a subtle system of absorbing occu- 
pation. And by a crowning enactment, which said that ^'He who 
shrank from the duties imposed on him, would forfeit henceforth 
all claim to the glorious honors of the state," he caused, not only 
the public authorities, but those personally interested in the several 
companies of youths, to take serious pains so that no single indi- 
vidual of them should by an act of craven cow^ardice find himself 
utterly rejected and reprobate within the body politic. 

Furthermore, in his desire firmly to implant in their youthful 
souls a root of modesty, he imposed upon these bigger boys a 
special rule. In the very streets they were to keep their two hands 
within the folds of their coat; they were to walk in silence and 
without turning their heads to gaze, now here, now there, but 
rather to keep their eyes fixed upon the ground before them. And 
hereby it would seem to be proved conclusively that, even in the 
matter of quiet bearing and sobriety, the masculine type may claim 
greater strength than that which we attribute to the nature of 
women. At any rate, you might sooner expect a stone image to 
find voice than one of those Spartan youths ; to divert the eyes of 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 69 

some bronze statue were less difRcult. And as to quiet bearing, 
no bride ever stepped in bridal bower with more natural modesty. 
Note them when they have reached the public table. The plainest 
answer to the question asked, — that is all you need expect to hear 
from their lips. ... 

The above is a fairly exhaustive statement of the institutions 
traceable to the legislature of Lycurgus in connection wdth the 
successive stages of a citizen's life. It remains that I should en- 
deavor to describe the style of living which he estabUshed for the 
whole body, irrespective of age. It will be understood that, when 
Lycurgus first came to deal with the question, the Spartans, like 
the rest of the Hellenes, used to mess privately at home. Tracing 
more than half the current misdemeanors to this custom, he 
was determined to drag his people out of holes and corners into 
the broad daylight, and so he invented the public mess-rooms. 
Whereby he expected at any rate to minimize the transgression of 
orders. 

As to food, his ordinance allowed them so much as, while not 
inducing repletion, should guard them from actual want. And, in 
fact, there are many exceptional dishes in the shape of game sup- 
plied from the hunting field. Or, as a substitute for these, rich 
men will occasionally garnish the feast with wheaten loaves. So 
that from beginning to end, till the mess breaks up, the common 
board is never stinted for viands nor yet extravagantly furnished. 

So also in the matter of drink. While putting a stop to all un- 
necessary potations, detrimental aUke to a firm brain and a steady 
gait, he left them free to quench thirst when nature dictated; a 
method which would at once add to the pleasure whilst it dimin- 
ished the danger of drinking. And indeed one may fairly ask 
how, on such a system of common meals, it would be possible for 
any one to ruin either himself or his family through either gluttony 
or wine-bibbing. 

This, too, must be borne in mind, that in other states equals in 



70 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

age, for the most part, associate together, and such an atmosphere 
is Httle conducive to modesty. Whereas in Sparta, Lycurgus was 
careful so to blend the ages that the younger men must benefit 
largely by the experience of the elders. . . . Amongst other good 
results obtained through this outdoor system of meals may be men- 
tioned these : There is the necessity of walking home when a meal 
is over, and a consequent anxiety not to be caught tripping under 
the influence of wine, since they all know of course that the supper 
table must be presently abandoned and that they must move as 
freely in the dark as in the day, even the help of a torch to guide 
the steps being forbidden to all on active service. 

At any rate, it would be hard to discover a healthier or more 
completely developed human being, physically speaking, than the 
Spartan. Their gymnastic training, in fact, makes demands alike 
on the legs and arms and neck, et cetera, simultaneously. . 

The following, too, may well excite our admiration for 
Lycurgus. I speak of the consummate skill with which he in- 
duced the whole state of Sparta to regard an honorable death as 
preferable to an ignoble Hfe. And indeed, if any one will investi- 
gate the matter, he will find that by comparison with those who 
make it a principle to retreat in face of danger, actually fewer 
of these Spartans die in battle since, to speak truth, salvation, 
it would seem, attends on virtue far more frequently than on 
cowardice. . . . 

Yet the actual means by which he gave currency to these prin- 
ciples is a point which it were well not to overlook. It is clear 
that the lawgiver set himself deliberately to provide all the bless- 
ings of heaven for the good man, and a sorry and ill-starred exist- 
ence for the coward. 

In other states the man who shows himself base and cowardly, 
wins to himself an evil reputation and the nickname of a coward, 
but that is all. For the rest he buys and sells in the same market- 
place with a good man ; he sits beside him at the play; he exercises 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 71 

with him in the same gymnasium ; and all as suits his humor. But 
at Laceda^mon there is not one man who would not feel ashamed 
to welcome the coward at the common mess-tables or to try con- 
clusions with such an antagonist in a wrestling bout. Consider 
the day's round of his existence. The sides are being picked out 
in a foot-ball match, but he is left out as the odd man; there is lio 
place for him. During the choric dance he is driven away into ig- 
nominious quarters. Nay, in the very streets, it is he who must step 
aside for others to pass, or, being seated, he must rise and make 
room, even for a younger man. At home he will have his maiden 
relatives to support in their isolation (and they will hold him to 
blame for their un wedded lives). A hearth with no wife to bless it 
— that is the condition he must face — and yet he will have to pay 
damages to the last farthing for incurring it. Let him not roam 
abroad with a smooth and smihng countenance ; let him not imi- 
tate men whose fame is irreproachable, or he shall feel on his back 
the blows of his superiors ; such being the weight of infamy which 
is laid upon all cowards, I, for my part, am not surprised, if in 
Sparta they deem death preferable to a life so steeped in dishonor 
and reproach. 

That, too, was a happy enactment, in my opinion, by which 
Lycurgus provided for the continual cultivation of virtues, even to 
old age. By fixing the election to the council of elders as a last or- 
deal at the goal of life, he made it impossible for a high standard 
of virtuous living to be disregarded even in old age. (So, too, it is 
worthy of admiration in him that he lent his helping hand to a vir- 
tuous old age. Thus, by making the elders sole arbiters in the trial 
for life, he contrived to charge old age with a greater weight of honor 
than that which is accorded to the strength of mature manhood.) 
And assuredly such a contest as this must appeal to the zeal of 
mortal man beyond all others in a supreme degree. Fair, doubt- 
less, are contests of gymnastic skill, yet are they trials of but bodily 
excellence, but this contest for the seniory is of a higher sort — 



72 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

it is an ordeal of the soul itself. In proportion, therefore, as 
the soul is worthier than the body, so must these contests of the 
soul appeal to a stronger enthusiasm than their bodily anti- 
types. 

And yet another point may well excite our admiration for Lycur- 
gus largely. It had not escaped his observation that communities 
exist where those who are willing to make virtue their study and 
delight fail somehow in abiUty to add to the glory of the fatherland. 
That lesson the legislator laid to heart, and in Sparta he enforced, 
as a matter of public duty, the practice of every virtue by every 
citizen. And so it is that, just as man differs from man in some 
excellence, according as he cultivates or neglects to cultivate it, 
this city of Sparta, with good reason, outshines all other states 
in virtue; since she, and she alone, has made the attainment of a 
high standard of noble Hving a pubHc duty. 

And was not this a noble enactment, that whereas other states 
are content to inflict punishment only in cases where a man does 
wrong against his neighbor, Lycurgus imposed penalties no less 
severe on him who openly neglected to make himself as good as 
possible? For this, it seems, was his principle: in the one case, 
where a man is robbed, or defrauded, or kidnapped, and made a 
slave of, the injury of the misdeed, whatever it be, is personal to the 
individual so maltreated ; but in the other case, whole communities 
suffer foul treason at the hands of a base man and the cow^ard. So 
that it was only reasonable, in my opinion, that he should visit the 
heaviest penalty upon these latter. 

Moreover, he laid upon them, Hke some irresistible necessity, 
the obligation to cultivate the whole virtue of a citizen. Provided 
they duly perform the injunctions of the law, the city belonged to 
them each and all, in absolute possession, and on an equal footing. 
Weakness of limb or want of health was no drawback in his eyes. 
But as for him who, out of tlje cowardice of his heart, shrank from 
the painful performance of the law's injunction, the finger of the 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 73 

legislator pointed him out as there and then" disqualified to be 
regarded longer as a member of the brotherhood of peers. 

It may be added, that there is no doubt as to the great antiquity 
of this code of laws. . . . But being of so long standing, these 
laws, even at this day, still are stamped in the eyes of other men with 
all of the novelty of youth. And the most marvellous thing of all is 
that, while everybody is agreed to praise these remarkable insti- 
tutions, there is not a single state which cares to imitate them. 

The above form a common stock of blessings, open to every 
Spartan to enjoy, alike in peace and in war. But if any one de- 
sires to be informed in what way the legislator improved upon the 
ordinary machinery of warfare and in reference to an army in the 
field, it is easy to satisfy his curiosity. 

In the first instance, the ephors announce in proclamation the 
limit of age to which the service applies for cavalry and heavy in- 
fantry ; and in the next place, for the various handicraft men So 
that, even on active service, the Lacedaemonians are well supplied 
with all the conveniences enjoyed by people living as citizens at 
home. All the implements and instruments whatsoever, which an 
army may need in common, are ordered to be in readiness, some 
on wagons and others on baggage animals. In this way anything 
omitted can hardly escape detection. 

For the actual encounter under arms, the following inventions 
are attributed to him : The soldier has a crimson-colored uniform 
and a heavy shield of bronze ; his theory being that such an equip- 
ment has no sort of feminine association, and is altogether most 
warrior-like. It is most quickly burnished; it is least readily 
soiled. 

He further permitted those who were about the age of early 
manhood to wear their hair long. For so, he conceived, they 
would appear of larger stature, more free and indomitable, and of 
a more terrible aspect. 

So furnished and accoutred, he divided his citizen soldiers into 



74 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

six moral (or regimental divisions) of cavalry and heavy infantry. 
Each of these citizen regiments (political divisions) has one pole- 
march (or colonel), four lochagoi (or captains of companies), 
eight penteconters (or lieutenants, each in command of a half 
company), and sixteen enomotarchs (or commanders of sections). 
At a word of command any such regimental division can be formed 
readily either into enomoties (i.e. single file), or into threes (i.e. 
three files abreast), or into sixes (i.e. six files abreast). 

As to the idea, commonly entertained, that the tactical arrange- 
ment of the Laconian heavy infantry is highly compHcated, no con- 
ception could be more opposed to facts. For in the Laconian order 
the front rank men are all leaders, so that each file has everything 
necessary to play its part efficiently. In fact, this disposition is so 
easy to understand that no one who can distinguish one human 
being from another can fail to follow it. One set have the privilege 
of leaders, the other the duty of followers. The evolutional orders 
by which greater depth or shallowness is given to the battle line 
are given by word of mouth, by the enomotarch (or commander of 
the section), and they cannot be mistaken. None of these manoeu- 
vres presents any difficulty whatsoever to the understanding. 

I will now speak of the mode of encampment, sanctioned by 
the regulation of Lycurgus. To avoid the waste incidental to the 
angles of the square, the encampment, according to him, should 
be circular, except where there was the security of a hill or forti- 
fication, or where they had a river in the rear. He had sentinels 
posted during the day along the place of arms and facing inwards; 
since they are appointed not so much for the sake of the enemy as 
to keep an eye on friends. The enemy is sufficiently watched by 
mounted troopers perched on various points commanding the 
widest prospects. 

To guard against hostile approach by night, sentinel duty accord- 
ing to the ordinance was performed by the scirita^ outside the 
main body. At the present time the rule is so far modified that the 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 75 

duty is intrusted to foreigners, if there be a foreign contingent 
present, with a leaven of Spartans to keep them company. 

The custom of always taking their spears with them when they 
go their rounds must certainly be attributed to the same cause 
which makes them exclude their slaves from a place of arms. . . . 
The need of precaution is the whole explanation. 

The frequency with which they change their encampment is 
another point. It is done quite as much for the sake of benefiting 
their friends as annoying their enemies. 

Further, the law enjoins upon all Lacedaemonians, during the 
whole period of an expedition, the constant practice of gymnastic 
exercises, whereby their pride in themselves is increased, and they 
appear freer and of a more Hberal aspect than the rest of the world. 
The walk and the running grounds must not exceed in length the 
space covered by a regimental division, so that one may not find 
himself far from his own stand of arms. After the gymnastic 
exercises, the senior polemarch gives the order (by herald) to be 
seated. This serves all the purposes of an inspection. After this 
the order is given *' To get breakfast,'' and for ''The outpost to 
be reheved.'' After this, again, come pastimes and relaxations 
before the evening exercises, after which the herald's cry is heard 
^'To take the evening meal." When they have sung a hymn to 
the gods to whom the offerings of happy omen have been per- 
formed, the final order, ''Retire to rest at the place of arms," is 
given. 

I wish to explain with sufficient detail the nature of the 
covenant between king and state as instituted by Lycurgus; for 
this, I take it, is the sole type of rule which still preserves the 
original form in which it w^as first established ; whereas other con- 
stitutions will be found either to have been already modified or 
else to be still undergoing modification at this moment. 

Lycurgus laid it dow^n as law that the king shall offer on behalf 
of the state all public sacrifices, as being himself of divine descent, 



76 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

and whithersoever the state shall despatch her armies the king 
shall take the lead. He granted him to receive honorary gifts of the 
things offered in sacrifice, and he appointed him choice land in 
many of the provincial cities, enough to satisfy moderate needs 
without excess of wealth. And in order that the kings might also 
encamp and -mess in pubHc he appointed them pubHc quarters, 
and he honored them wuth a double portion each at the evening 
meal, not in order that they might actually eat twice as much as 
others, but that the king might have wherewithal to honor v^hom- 
soever he desires. He also granted as a gift to each of the two kings 
to choose two mess-fellows, w^hich same are called tuthioi. He 
also granted them to receive out of every Utter of swine one pig, 
so that the king might never be at a loss for victims if in aught he 
wished to consult the gods. 

Close by the palace a lake affords an unrestricted supply of 
water; and how useful that is for various purposes they best can 
tell who lack the luxury. Moreover, all rise from their seats to 
give place to the king save only that the ephors rise not from their 
throne of office. Monthly they exchange oaths, the ephors in 
behalf of the state, the king himself in his ow^n behalf. And this 
is the oath on the king's part: ''I will exercise my kingship in 
accordance with the estabhshed laws of the state." And on the 
part of the state the oath runs: '^So long as he (who exercises 
kingship) shall abide by his oath we will not suffer his kingdom to 
be shaken." 

QUESTIONS 

I. From what writers are the descriptions of the Spartan customs 
taken? 2. Which of these appears to you to be the most reliable and 
why? 3. Did any of them have first-hand information about Lycurgus 
and the origin of the Spartan constitution? 4. Why should we feel sure 
that a man called Washington once lived and helped to make a consti- 
tution, but doubt the existence of Lycurgus? 5. Where did Plutarch 
gain his knowledge about Lycurgus? 6. Where did the people from 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 77 

whom he borrowed obtain their information ? 7. Must we beheve that 
there was a Lycurgus because men Hving 400 B.C. said so? 8. What is 
the value of the evidence of the quoit cited by Aristotle ? 9. If Lycur- 
gus had lived "not long after Homer," what would the date have been? 
10. If he had been '^ contemporary with the HeracKdae" (successors of 
Heracles), when would he have lived? 11. Did either Plutarch or the 
writers cited by him seem to understand clearly what historical proof 
means? 12. Can we doubt the truth of what these writers say about 
Lycurgus and the origin of the Spartan state, and yet accept what they 
tell us about the character of the constitution and about Spartan 7nan- 
ners and customs? Why? 13. To what was the Spartan supremacy 
in the Peloponnesus attributed in the time of Thucydides? 14. Make 
an outline of the Spartan government. 15. Do we know how and when 
it came into existence? 16. Why do we not know more about it? 
17. Enumerate the privileges of the Spartan king in peace and in war, 
using both Herodotus and Xenophon. 18. What was the end of 
Spartan education? 19. Compare it with the end of education in this 
country to-day. 20. To what is the difference due ? 21. Show how the 
methods employed by the Spartans attained the educational end they had 
in view. 22. What were the good features of the training of the chil- 
dren? 23. What were the "pubHc mess-rooms" and what were the bene- 
fits that the Spartans derived from them ? 24. Why was there so little 
cowardice among the Spartans ? Use Xenophon and the songs of Tyr- 
taeus. 25. What inducement did Spartan society offer to its members 
to practise virtue to a ripe old age ? 26. What kind of a life was expected 
from every Spartan? 27. Describe the organization, equipment, and 
evolutions of the Spartan army. 28. Compare the encampment of the 
Spartan army with that of a modem army. 

B. The Development of the Athenian Constitution 
a. Unification of Attica 

Thucydides, II, 15 

I. In the days of Cecrops' and the first kings, down to the 
reign of Theseus, Attica was divided into communes, having 
their own town halls and magistrates. Except in case of alarm 



78 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

the whole people did not assemble in council under the king, but 
administered their own affairs, and advised together in their 
several townships. Some of them at times even went to war with 
him, as the Eleusinians under Eumolpus with Erectheus. But 
when Theseus came to the throne, he, being a powerful as well as a 
wise ruler, among other improvements in the administration of 
the country, dissolved the councils and separate governments, and 
united all the inhabitants of Attica in the present city, estabHshing 
one council and town hall. They continued to live on their own 
lands, but he compelled them to resort to Athens as their metropoHs, 
and henceforward they were all inscribed in the roll of her citizens. 
A great city thus arose which was handed down by Theseus to his 
descendants, and from his day to this the Athenians have regularly 
celebrated the national festival of the Synoecia, or ''union of the 
communes," in honor of the goddess Athena. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How did Athens absorb Attica? 2. What was the difference in 
the relations between Athens and the other towns of Attica before and 
after the union ? 3. Do we know when the union took place ? 4. Were 
there any natural reasons why Athens should become the centre of Attica ? 
5. Can we doubt the existence of Cecrops and Theseus and still believe 
that the union of the towns of Attica took place at some early date ? 

b. The Athenian Constitution before Draco 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution, Chs. 2-3 

I. Not only was the constitution at this time oligarchical in 
every respect, but the poorer classes, men, women, and children^ 
were in absolute slavery to the rich. They were known as pelatae 
and also as hectemori, because they cultivated the lands of the rich 
for a sixth part of the produce. The whole country was in the 
hands of a few persons, and if the tenants failed to pay their rent, 
they were liable to be haled into slavery and their children with 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 79 

them. Their persons were mortgaged to their creditors, a custom 
which prevailed until the time of Solon, who was the first to appear 
as a leader of the people. But the hardest and bitterest part of 
the condition of the masses was the fact that they had no share in 
the oflSces then existing under the constitution. At the same time 
they were discontented with every other feature of their lot; for, 
to speak generally, they had no part nor share in anything. 

Now the ancient constitution, as it existed before the time of 
Draco, was organized as follows: The magistrates were elected 
according to qualifications of birth and wealth. At first they 
governed for life, but subsequently for terms of ten years. The 
first magistrates, both in date and importance, were the king, the 
polemarch (commander in war), and the archon. The earliest 
of these offices was that of king, which existed from the very begin- 
ning. To this was added, secondly, the office of polemarch, on 
account of some of the kings being feeble in war. . . . The last 
of these three ofiices w^as that of the archon, . . . but that it was 
the last of these magistracies to be created is shown by the fact 
that the archon has no part in the ancestral sacrifices, as the king 
and the polemarch have, but only in those of later origin. So 
it is only at a comparatively late date that the office of archon has 
become of great importance, by successive accretions of power. 
The thesmothetae were appointed many years afterwards, when 
these offices had already become annual; and the object of their 
"creation was that they might record in writing all legal decisions 
and act as guardians of them with a view to executing judgment 
upon transgressors of the law. Accordingly their office, alone of 
those which have been mentioned, was never of more than annual 
duration. 

So far, then, do these magistrates precede all others in point of 
date. At that time the nine archons did not all live together. 
The king occupied the building now known as the Bucolium, near 
the Prytaneum, as may be seen from the fact that even to the pres- 



8o SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

ent day the marriage of the king's wife to Dionysus takes place 
there. The archon lived in the Prytaneum, the polemarch in 
the Epilyceum. ... 

Such, then, was the arrangement of the magistracies. The 
council of areopagus had as its constitutionally assigned duty 
the protection of the laws ; but in point of fact it administered the 
greater and most important part of the government of the state, 
and inflicted personal punishments and fines summarily upon all 
who misbehaved themselves. This w^as the natural consequence 
of the facts that the archons were elected under quaHfications of 
birth and wealth, and that the areopagus was composed of those 
who had served as archons ; for which latter reason the member- 
ship of the areopagus is the only office which has continued to be 
a life-magistracy to the present day. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What, according to Aristotle, were the two bad features of Athenian 
society before the time of Draco? 2. Who were the principal officers 
and what were their duties under the early constitutions? 3. How did 
a man secure office? 4. Who had a right to hold office? 5. How 
long was the term of office? 6. Compare this government with that 
found in the Iliad and note the difference. 7. What was the most 
important body in this government and why? 

c. Changes made by Draco in the Constitution 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution, Ch. 4 

I. Such was, in outline, the first constitution; but not very 
long after the events above recorded, in the archonship of Aris- 
taichmes, Draco drew up his legislation. The organization he 
estabHshed had the following form. The franchise was given to 
all who could furnish themselves with a military equipment. The 
nine archons and the treasurers were elected by this body from 
persons possessing an unencumbered property of not less than ten 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 8l 

minas, the less important officials from those who could furnish 
themselves with a mihtary equipment, and the generals (strategi) 
and commanders of the cavalry (hipparchi) from those who could 
show an unencumbered property of not less than a hundred minas, 
and had children born in lawful wedlock over ten years of age. 
This qualification was to apply to the prytanes, the strategi, and 
the hipparchi. . . . There was also to be a council, consisting 
of four hundred and one members, elected by lot from among 
those who possessed the franchise. Both for this and for the other 
magistracies the lot was cast among those w^ho were over thirty 
years of age; and no one might hold office twice until every one 
else had had his turn, after which they were to cast the lot afresh. 
If any member of the council failed to attend when there was a 
sitting of the council or of the assembly, he paid a fine, to the 
amount of three drachmas, if he was a pentacosiomedimnus, two 
if he w^as a knight, and one if he was a zeugites. The council of 
areopagus was guardian of the laws, and kept watch over the mag- 
istrates to see that they executed their offices in accordance with 
the laws. Any person who felt himself wronged might lay an in- 
formation before the council of areopagus, on declaring what law 
w^as broken by the wrong done to him. But, as has been said 
before, the persons of the people were mortgaged to their creditors, 
and the land was in the hands of a few. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Make a list of the constitutional changes introduced by Draco. 
2. What bodies, officers, or classes gained or lost power by these 
changes ? 

d. Reformation of the Government and Society by Solon 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution, Chs. 5-8 

I. Now seeing that such was the organization of the con- 
stitution, and that the many were in slavery to the few, the people 



82 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

rose against the upper class. The strife was keen, and for a long 
time the two parties were face to face wath one another, till at last, 
by common consent, they appointed Solon to be mediator and 
archon, and committed the whole constitution to his hands. . . . 
By birth and reputation Solon w^as one of the foremost men of the 
day, but in wealth and position he was of the middle class, as is 
manifest from many circumstances, and especially from his own 
evidence in these poems, where he exhorts the wealthy not to be 
grasping. 

But ye who have store of good, who are sated and overflow, 
Restrain your swelling soul, and still it and keep it low: 
Let the heart that is great within you be trained a lowlier way; 
Ye shall not have all at your will, and we will not forever obey. 

Indeed, he constantly ascribes the origin of the conflict to the rich ; 
and accordingly at the beginning of the poem he says that he fears 
''the love of wealth and an overweening mind,'' evidently mean- 
ing that it was through these that the quarrel arose. 

As soon as he was at the head of affairs, Solon Hberated the 
people once and for all, by prohibiting all loans on the security 
of the person of the debtor : and at the same time he made law^s 
by which he cancelled all debts, public and private. This meas- 
ure is commonly called the seisachtheia ( = removal of burdens), 
since thereby the people had their loads removed from them. . . . 

Next Solon drew up a constitution and enacted new law^s, 
and the statutes of Draco ceased to be used with the exception of 
those relating to murder. The laws were inscribed on the pillars, 
and set up in the King's Porch, and all swore to obey them; and 
the nine archons made oath upon the stone and declared that they 
would dedicate a golden statue if they should transgress any of 
them. This is the origin of the oath to that effect which they take 
to the present day. Solon ratified his laws for a hundred years, 
and the following was the fashion of his organization of the con- 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 83 

stitution. He made a division of all rateable property into four 
classes, just as it had been divided before, namely, pentacosiome- 
dimni, knights, zeugitae, and thetes. The various magistracies, 
namely, the nine archons, the treasurers, the commissioners for 
public contracts (poletae), the eleven, and the exchequer clerks 
(colacretae), he assigned to the pentacosiomedimni, the knights, 
and the zeugitae, giving offices to each class in proportion to the 
value of their rateable property. To those who ranked among 
the thetes he gave nothing but a place in the assembly and in the 
juries. A man had to rank as a pentacosiomedimnus if he made, 
from his own land, five hundred measures, whether liquid or solid. 
Those ranked as knights who made three hundred measures, or, 
as some say, those who were able to maintain a horse. . . . Those 
ranked as zeugitae who made two hundred measures, liquid or 
solid; and the rest ranked as thetes, and were not eligible for any 
office. Hence it is that even at the present day, when a candidate 
for any office is asked to what rank he belongs, no one would 
think of saying that he belonged to the thetes. 

The elections to the various offices Solon enacted should be 
by lot, out of candidates selected by each of the tribes. Each 
tribe selected ten candidates for the nine archonships, and among 
these the lot was cast. Hence it is still the custom for each tribe 
to choose ten candidates by lot, and then the lot is again cast 
among these. . . . Such was Solon's legislation with respect to 
the nine archons; whereas in early times the council of are- 
opagus summoned suitable persons according to its own judgment 
and appointed them for the year to the several offices. There were 
four tribes, as before, and four tribe-kings. Each tribe was divided 
into three trittyes ( = thirds), with twelve naucraries in each; and 
the naucraries had officers of their own, called naucrari, whose 
duty it was to superintend the current receipts and expenditure. 
Hence among the laws of Solon now (as is natural) obsolete, it is 
written that the naucrari are to receive and spend out of the 



84 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

naucraric fund. Solon also appointed a council of four hundred, a 
hundred from each tribe; but he still assigned to the areopagus 
the duty of superintending the laws. It continued, as before, to 
be the guardian of the constitution in general; it kept watch over 
the citizens in all the most important matters, and corrected offend- 
ers, having full powers to inflict either fines or personal punish- 
ment. The money received in fines it brought up into the acropolis 
without assigning the reason for the punishment; and Solon also 
gave it the power to try those who conspired for the overthrow of 
the state. Such were Solon's regulations concerning the are- 
opagus. Further, since he saw the state often engaged in internal 
disputes, while many of the citizens from sheer indifference 
waited to see what would turn up, he made a law with express 
reference to such persons, enacting that any one who, in a time 
of civil factions, did not take up arms with either party, should 
lose his rights as a citizen and cease to have any part in the 
state. 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution, Ch. 12 
2. The truth of this view of Solon's policy is established alike 
by the common consent of all, and by the mention which he has 
himself made of it in his poems. Thus : — 

I gave to the mass of the people such rank as befitted their need. 
I took not away their honor, and I granted naught to their greed ; 
But those who were rich in power, who in wealth were glorious and great, 
I bethought me that naught should befall them unworthy their splen- 
dor and state; 
And I stood with my shield outstretched, and both were safe in its sight, 
And I would not that either should triumph, when the triumph was not 
with right. 

Again he declares how the mass of the people ought to to be 
treated : — 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 85 

But thus will the people best the voice of their leaders obey, 
When neither too slack is the rein, nor violence holdeth the sway ; 
For satiety breedeth a child, the presumption that spurns control, 
When riches too great are poured upon men of unbalanced soul. 

And again elsewhere he speaks about the persons who wished to 
redistribute the land : — 

So they came in search of plunder, and their cravings knew no bound, 
Every one among them deeming endless wealth would here be found. 
And that I with glozing smoothness hid a cruel mind within. 
Fondly then and vainly dreamt they; now they raise an angry din, 
And they glare askance in anger, and the light within their eyes 
Bums with hostile flames upon me. Yet therein no justice lies. 
All I promised, fully wrought I with the gods at hand to cheer, 
Naught beyond of folly ventured. Never to my soul was dear 
With a tyrant's force to govern, nor to see the good and base 
Side by side in equal portion share the rich home of our race. 

Once more he speaks of the destitution of the poorer classes and 
of those who before were in servitude, but were released owing to 
the seisachtheia : — 

Wherefore I freed the racked and tortured crowd 

From all the evils that beset their lot. 

Thou, when slow time brings justice in its train, 

mighty mother of the Olympian gods. 

Dark Earth, thou best canst witness, from whose breast 

1 swept the pillars broadcast planted there. 

And made thee free, who hadst been slave of yore. 
And many a man whom fraud or law had sold 
Far from his god-built land, an outcast slave, 
I brought again to Athens; yea, and some. 
Exiles from home through debt's oppressive load, 
Speaking no more the dear Athenian tongue, 
But wandering far and wide, I brought again; 



86 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

And those that here in vilest slavery 

Crouched 'neath a master's frown, I set them free. 

Thus might and right were yoked in harmony. 

Since by the force of law I won my ends 

And kept my promise. Equal laws I gave 

To evil and to good, with even hand 

Drawing straight justice for the lot of each. 

But had another held the goad as I, 

One in whose heart was guile and greediness. 

He had not kept the people back from strife. 

For had I granted, now what pleased the one, 

Then what their foes devised within their hearts, 

Of many a man this state had been bereft. 

Therefore I took me strength from every side 

And turned at bay like wolf among the hounds. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What were the conditions in Athens that led to the selection of 
Solon as lawgiver? 2. What policy did he follow in his attempt to 
bring peace to Athens? 3. What changes did he make and why did 
he make them ? 4. What classes would be pleased and what dis- 
pleased by such changes? 5. How were the people to be sure what the 
new laws were? 6. How were the laws to be enforced? 7. How did 
Aristotle know what Solon did? 8. When we have the very statements 
of Solon in his poems, can we feel certain that he is teUing the truth? 
9. Is the value of what Solon says lessened by the form in which he says 
it? 10. Read the poems of Solon aloud. Compare them with the war 
songs of Tyrtaeus. 

e. The Tyranny of Pisistratus and of His Sons 

Herodotus, I, 59-64 

I. Pisistratus, who, when the Athenians of the shore were at 
feud with those of the plain, Megacles the son of Alcmaion being 
leader of the first faction, and Lycurgos the son of Aristolaides of 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 87 

that of the plain, aimed at the despotism for himself and gathered 
a third party. So then, after having collected supporters and 
called himself leader of the men of the mountain-lands, he con- 
trived a device as follows : he inflicted wounds upon himself and 
upon his mules, and then drove his car into the market-place, as if 
he had just escaped from his opponents, who, as he alleged, had 
desired to kill him when he was driving into the country: and he 
asked the commons that he might obtain some protection from 
them, for before this he had gained reputation in his command 
against the Megarians, during w^hich he took Nisaia and per- 
formed other signal service. And the commons of the Athenians 
being deceived gave him- those men chosen from the dwellers in 
the city who became not indeed the spear-men of Pisistratus but 
his club-men; for they followed behind him bearing wooden 
clubs, and these made insurrection with Pisistratus and obtained 
possession of the acropolis. Then Pisistratus was ruler of the 
Athenians, not having disturbed the existing magistrates nor 
changed the ancient laws; but he administered the state under 
that constitution of things which was already estabhshed, ordering 
it fairly and well. 

However, no long time after this the followers of Megacles 
and those of Lycurgos joined together and drove him forth. Thus 
Pisistratus had obtained possession of Athens for the first time, 
and thus he lost the power before he had it very firmly rooted. 
But those who had driven out Pisistratus became afterwards at 
feud with one another again. And Megacles, harassed by the 
party strife, sent a message to Pisistratus asking whether he was 
wilHng to have his daughter to wife on condition of becoming des- 
pot. And Pisistratus having accepted the proposal and made an 
agreement on these terms, they contrived with a view to his return 
a device the most simple by far, as I think, that ever was prac- 
tised, considering at least that it was devised at a time when the 
Hellenic race had been long marked off from the barbarian as more 



88 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

skilful and further removed from foolish simplicity, and among 
the Athenians who are accounted the first of the Hellenes in ability. 
In the deme of Paiania there was a woman whose name was Phya. 
in height four cubits all but three fingers, and also fair of form. 
This woman they dressed in full armor and caused her to ascend 
a chariot and showed her the bearing in which she might best be- 
seem her part, and so they drove to the city, having sent on heralds 
to run before them, who, w^hen they arrived at the city, spoke that 
w^hich had been commanded them, saying as follows: "O Ather 
nians, receive with favor Pisistratus, whom Athena herself, 
honoring him most of all men, brings back to her Acropolis." 
So the heralds went about hither and thither saying this, and 
straightway there came to the demes in the country round a report 
that Athena was bringing Pisistratus back, while at the same time 
the men of the city, persuaded that the woman w^as the very god- 
dess herself, were paying worship of the human creature and re- 
ceiving Pisistratus. So having received back the despotism in 
the manner which has been said, Pisistratus according to the 
agreement made with Megacles married the daughter of Megacles ; 
. . . He then was very indignant that he should be dishonored by 
Pisistratus; and in his anger straightway he proceeded to compose 
his quarrel with the men of his faction. And w^hen Pisistratus 
heard of that which was being done against himself, he departed 
wholly from the land and came to Eretria, w^here he took counsel 
together with his sons: and the advice of Hippias having pre- 
vailed, that they should endeavor to win back the despotism, 
they began to gather gifts of money from those states which owed 
them obligation for favors received : and many contributed great 
sums, but the Thebans surpassed the rest in the giving of money. 
Then, not to make the story long, time elapsed and at last every- 
thing was prepared for their return. For certain Argives came as 
mercenaries from Peloponnesus, and a man of Naxos had come to 
them of his own motion, whose name was Lygdamis, and showed 
very great zeal in providing both money and men. 




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THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 89 

So starting from Eretria after the lapse of ten years they re- 
turned back; and in Attica the first place of which they took 
possession was Marathon. While they were encamping here, their 
partisans from the city came to them, and also others flowed in 
from the various demes, to whom despotic rule was more welcome 
than freedom. So these w^ere gathering themselves together; but 
the Athenians in the city, so long as Pisistratus was collecting the 
money, and afterwards when he took possession of Marathon, 
made no account of it ; but w^hen they heard that he was marching 
from Marathon towards the city, then they went to the rescue 
against him. These then were going in full force to fight against 
the returning exiles, and the forces of Pisistratus, as they went 
towards the city starting from Marathon, met them just when 
they came to the temple of Athena Pallenis, and there encamped 
opposite to them. Then moved by divine guidance there came into 
the presence of Pisistratus Amphilytos the Acarnanian, a sooth- 
sayer, who approaching him uttered an oracle in hexameter verse, 
saying thus : — 

"But now the cast hath been made and the net hath been widely 
extended, 
And in the night the tunnies will dart through the moon-lighted 
waters. '^ 

This oracle he uttered to him being divinely inspired, and 
Pisistratus, having understood the oracle and having said that he 
accepted the prophecy which was uttered, led his army against 
the enemy. Now the Athenians from the city were just at that 
time occupied with the morning meal, and some of them after 
their meal with games of dice or with sleep; and the forces of 
Pisistratus fell upon the Athenians and put them to flight. Then 
as they fled, Pisistratus devised a very skilful counsel, to the end 
that the Athenians might not gather again into one body but might 
remain scattered abroad. He mounted his sons on horseback 



90 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

and sent them before him ; and overtaking the fugitives they said 
that which was commanded them by Pisistratus, bidding them be 
of good cheer and that each man should depart to his own home. 
Thus then the Athenians did, and so Pisistratus for the 
third time obtained possession of Athens, and he firmly rooted his 
despotism by many foreign mercenaries and by much revenue of 
money, coming partly from the land itself and partly from about 
the river Strymon, and also by taking as hostages the sons of those 
Athenians who had remained in the land and had not at once fled, 
and placing them in the island of Naxos ; for this also Pisistratus 
conquered by war and delivered into the charge of Lygdamis. 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution, Ch. 14 

2. Pisistratus had the reputation of being an extreme democrat, 
and he also had distinguished himself greatly in the war with 
Megara. Taking advantage of this, he wounded himself, and by 
representing that his injuries had been inflicted on him by his 
political rivals, he persuaded the people, through a motion pro- 
posed by Aristion, to grant him a body-guard. After he had got 
these '^ club-bearers," as they were called, he made an attack with 
them on the people and seized the Acropolis. This happened 
in the archonship of Comeas, thirty-one years after the legislation 
of Solon. It is related that, when Pisistratus asked for his body- 
guard, Solon opposed the request, and declared that in so doing 
he proved himself wiser than half the people and braver than the 
rest, — wiser than those who did not see that Pisistratus designed 
to make himself tyrant, and braver than those who saw it and kept 
silence. But when all his words availed nothing he carried forth 
his armor and set it up in front of his house, saying that he had 
helped his country so far as lay in his power (he was already a very 
old man), and that he-called on all others to do the same. Solon's 
exhortations, however, proved fruitless, and Pisistratus assumed 
the sovereignty. His administration was far more like a consti- 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 91 

tutional government than the rule of a tyrant; but before his 
power was firmly established, the adherents of Megacles and Ly- 
curgus made a coalition and drove him out. This took place in 
the archonship of Hegesias, five years after the first establishment 
of his rule. Eleven years later Megacles, being in difficulties in a 
party struggle, again opened negotiations with Pisistratus, pro- 
posing that the latter should marry his daughter; and on these 
terms he brought him back to Athens, by a very primitive and 
simple-minded device. He first spread abroad a rumor that 
Athena was bringing back Pisistratus, and then, having found a 
woman of great stature and beauty, named Phye (according to 
Herodotus, of the deme of Paeania, but as others say a Thracian 
flower-seller of the deme of Colly ttus), he dressed her in garb 
resembling that of the goddess and brought her into the city with 
Pisistratus. The latter drove in on a chariot with the woman beside 
him, and the inhabitants of the city, struck with awe, received him 
with adoration. 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution^ Ch. 15 
3. In this manner did his first return take place. He did not, 
however, hold his power long, for about six years after his return 
he was again expelled. He refused to treat the daughter of 
Megacles as his wife, and being afraid, in consequence, of a com- 
bination of the two opposing parties, he retired from the country. 
First he led a colony to a place called Rhaicelus, in the region of the 
Thermaic gulf ; and thence he passed to the country in the neigh- 
borhood of Mt. Pangaeus. Here he acquired wealth and hired 
mercenaries; and not till ten years had elapsed did he descend 
on Eretria and make an attempt to recover the government by 
force. In this he had the assistance of many aUies, notably the 
Thebans and Lygdamis of Naxos, and also the knights who held 
the supreme power in the constitution of Eretria. After his vic- 
tory in the battle at Pallene he recovered the sovereignty, and 



92 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

when he had disarmed the people he at last estabhshed his tyranny 
securely, and was able to proceed to Naxos and set up Lygdamis 
as ruler there. 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution, Chs. 17-20 

4. Thus did Pisistratus grow old in the possession of power, 
and he died a natural death in the archonship of Philoneos, three 
and thirty years from the time at which he first established him- 
self as tyrant, during nineteen of w^hich he was in the possession of 
power ; the rest he spent in exile. . . . After the death of Pisis- 
tratus his sons took up the government, and conducted it on the 
same svstem. . . . 

Hippias and Hipparchus assumed the control of affairs on 
grounds ahke of standing and of age ; but Hippias, as being the 
elder and being also naturally of a statesmanlike and shrewd dis- 
position, w^as really the head of the government. Hipparchus 
was youthful in disposition, amorous, and fond of literature, and 
it was he who invited to Athens Anacreon, Simonides, and the 
other poets. . . . 

After this event the tyranny became much harsher. In 
consequence of his venegance for his brother, and of the execution 
and banishment of a large number of persons, Hippias became a 
distrustful and an embittered man. About three years after the 
death of Hipparchus, finding his position in the city insecure, he 
set about fortifying Munychia, with the intention of removing 
thither. While he was still engaged on this work, however, he was 
expelled by Cleomenes, king of Lacedaemon, in consequence of the 
Spartans being continually warned by oracles to overthrow the 
tyranny. . . . Accordingly they first sent Anchimolus by sea at 
the head of an army; but he was defeated and killed, through the 
arrival of Cineas of Thessaly to support the sons of Pisistratus with 
a force of a thousand horsemen. Then, being roused to anger 
by this disaster, they sent their king, Cleomenes, by land at the 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 93 

head of a larger force; and he, after defeating the ThessaKan 
cavalry when they attempted to intercept his march into Attica, 
shut up Hippias within what was known as the Pelargic wall and 
blockaded him there with the assistance of the Athenians. While 
he was sitting down before the place, it so happened that the sons 
of the Pisistratidae were captured in an attempt to make their 
escape from the country ; upon which the tyrants capitulated on 
condition of the safety of their children, and surrendered the 
Acropolis to the Athenians, five days being first allowed them to 
remove their effects. This took place in the archonship of Har- 
pactides, after they had held the tyranny for about seventeen years 
since their father's death, or in all, including the period of their 
father's rule, for nine and forty years. 

After the overthrow of the tyranny, the rival leaders in the 
state were Isagoras son of Tisander, a partisan of the tyrants, and 
Cleisthenes, who belonged to the family of the Alcmeonidae. 
Cleisthenes, being beaten in the poKtical clubs, attracted the 
people to his side by giving the franchise to the masses. There- 
upon Isagoras, finding himself left inferior in power, invited Cleo- 
menes, who was united to him by ties of hospitahty, to return to 
Athens, and persuaded him to ^' drive out the pollution," a plea 
derived from the fact that the Alcmeonidae were supposed to be 
under the curse of pollution. On this, Cleisthenes, with a few of 
his adherents, retired from the country, and Cleomenes expelled, 
as polluted, seven hundred Athenian families. Having effected 
this, he next attempted to dissolve the council, and to set up Isago- 
ras and three hundred of his partisans as the supreme power in 
the state. The council, however, resisted, the populace flocked 
together, and Cleomenes and Isagoras, with their adherents, took 
refuge in the Acropolis. Here the people sat down and besieged 
them for two days ; and on the third they agreed to let Cleomenes 
and all his followers depart, while they sent to summon Cleisthenes 
and the other exiles back to Athens. W hen the people had thus 



94 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

obtained the command of affairs, Cleisthenes was their chief and 
the leader of the people. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What conditions in Athens made it possible for Pisistratus to ob- 
tain control of the government? 2. How could he govern without 
changing the constitution or the laws ? 3. Can it be done to-day in our 
own country? 4. If Pisistratus ordered the government "fairly and 
well," why did the Greeks call him a tyrant? 5. How did he lose con- 
trol of the government the first time? 6. Do you believe the story of 
the way in which he came back ? 7. What more probable explanation 
can you find in the sources? 8. How did Pisistratus lose control of 
the government the second time? 9. How did he recover it again? 

10. Was his position after the second return stronger than before? 

11. Was it more unconstitutional? 12. Use both Aristotle and He- 
rodotus in answering the above questions, noting when they agree and 
when they disagree and what statements are found in one and not in the 
other. Are they entirely independent of one another? 13. Does the 
same statement found in both prove that the thing actually happened? 
Did Herodotus see these things himself? Did Aristotle? 14. Does 
the long control of the government by Pisistratus prove that he ruled 
well? Give illustration from our own government. 15. How could 
the sons of Pisistratus succeed him when offices were not hereditary in 
Athens? 16. Why and how was the son of Pisistratus expelled from 
Athens ? 17. After his expulsion, what was the character of the struggle 
in Athens? 18. What really decided what party should triumph? 

f . The Reforms of Cleisthenes 

Aristotle, On tlie Athenian Constitution, Chs. 21-22 

I. The people, therefore, had good reason to place confidence 
in Cleisthenes. Accordingly when, at this time, he found himself 
at the head of the masses, three years after the expulsion of the 
tyrants, in the archonship of Isagoras, his first step was to dis- 
tribute the whole population into ten tribes in place of the existing 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 95 

four, with the object of intermixing the members of the different 
tribes, so that more persons might have a share in the franchise. 
From this arose the saying ^'do not look at the tribes," addressed 
to those who wished to scrutinize the Hsts of the clans. Next he 
made the council to consist of five hundred members instead of 
four hundred, each tribe now contributing fifty, whereas formerly 
each had sent a hundred. The reason why he did not organize 
the people into twelve tribes was that he might not have to divide 
them according to the already existing trittyes ; for the four tribes 
had twelve trittyes, so that he would not have achieved his object 
of redistributing the population in fresh combinations. Further, 
he divided the country by demes into thirty parts, ten from the 
districts about the city, ten from the coast, and ten from the interior. 
These he called trittyes ; and he assigned three of them by lot to 
each tribe, in such a way that each should have one portion in each 
of these three divisions. All who lived in any given deme he de- 
clared fellow-demesmen, to the end that the new citizens might 
not be exposed by the habitual use of family names, but that men 
might be known by the names of their demes; and accordingly 
it is by the names of their demes that the Athenians still speak of 
one another. He also instituted demarchs, who had the same 
duties as the previously existing naucrari, — the demes being 
made to take the place of the naucraries. He gave names to the 
demes, some from the localities to which they belonged, some from 
the persons who founded them, since some of them no longer cor- 
responded to localities possessing names. On the other hand he 
allowed every one to retain his family and clan and religious rites 
according to ancestral custom. The names given to the tribes 
were the ten which the pythia appointed out of the hundred 
selected national heroes. 

By these reforms the constitution became much more demo- 
cratic than that of Solon. The laws of Solon had been obliterated 
by disuse during the period of the tyranny, while those which 



96 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

replaced them were drawn up by Cleisthenes with the object of 
securing the good will of the masses. Among these w^as the law 
concerning ostracism. Four years after the establishment of this 
system, in the archonship of Hermoucreon, they first imposed upon 
the council of five hundred the oath which they take to the present 
day. Next they began to elect the generals according to tribes, 
one from each tribe, while the polemarch was the commander of 
the whole army. Then, eleven years later, they w^on the victory 
of Marathon, in the archonship of Phaenippus; and two years 
after this victory, when the people had now gained self-confidence, 
thev for the first time made use of the law of ostracism. It was 
originally passed as a precaution against men in high office, be- 
cause Pisistratus took advantage of his position as a popular leader 
and general to make himself tyrant; and the first person ostra- 
cised was one of his relatives, Hipparchus son of Charmus, of the 
deme of Colyttus, the very person on whose account especially 
Cleisthenes had passed the law^, as he wished to get rid of him. 
Hitherto, however, he had escaped; for the Athenians, with the 
usual leniency of the democracy, allow^ed all the partisans of 
the tyrants, who had not joined in their evil deeds in the time of the 
troubles, to remain in the city ; and the chief and leader of these 
was Hipparchus. . . . Two years later, in the archonship of 
Nicodemus, the mines of Maroneia were discovered, and the state 
made a profit of a hundred talents from the w^orking of them. 
Some persons advised the people to make a distribution of the 
money among themselves, but this was prevented by Themistocles. 
He refused to say on what he proposed to spend the money, but he 
bade them lend it to the hundred richest men in Athens, one talent 
to each, and then, if the manner in which it was employed pleased 
the people, the expenditure should be charged to the state, but 
otherwise the state should receive the sum back from those to 
w^hom it was lent. On these terms he received the money and with 
it he had a hundred triremes built, each of the hundred individuals 



THE RISE OF SPARTA AND ATHENS 



97 



building one; and it was with these ships that they fought the 
battle of Salamis against the barbarians. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Make an outline of the constitution framed by Cleisthenes and 
note how it differed from the constitution of Solon. 2. Who bene- 
fited by the changes? 3. What was the origin and object of **ostra- 
cism"? 4. What are the pecuKar and what the valuable features of 
the act attributed to Themistocles ? 







Fig. 8. Portion of Themistoclean Wall 



V. WARS WITH the; PERSIANS AND THE CAR- 
THAGINIANS 

A. The Persian Wars 

a. Persian Customs 

Herodotus, I, 131 

I. These are the customs, so far as I know, which the Persians 
practise: Images and temples and altars they do not account 
it lawful to erect, nay they even charge with folly those who do 
these things; and this, as it seems to me, because they do not 
account the gods to be in the likeness of men, as do the Hellenes. 
But it is their wont to perform sacrifices to Zeus: and they sac- 
rifice to the sun and the moon and the earth, to fire and to water 
and to the winds: these are the only gods to whom they have 
sacrificed ever from the first ; but they have learnt also to sacrifice 
to Aphrodite Urania, having learnt it both from the Assyrians and 
the Arabians; and the Assyrians call Aphrodite Mylitta, the Ara- 
bians Alitta, and the Persians Mitra. 

Now this is the manner of sacrifice for the gods aforesaid 
which is established among the Persians: They make no altars 
neither do they kindle fire; and when they mean to sacrifice they 
use no libation nor music of the pipe nor chaplets nor meal for 
sprinkling; but when a man wishes to sacrifice to any one of the 
gods, he leads the animal for sacrifice to an unpolluted place and 
calls upon the god, having his tiara wreathed round generally 
with a branch of myrtle. For himself alone separately the man 
who sacrifices may not request good things in his prayer, but he 
prays that it may be well with all the Persians and with the king; 
for he himself also is included of course in the whole body of Per- 

98 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 99 

sians. And when he has cut up the victim into pieces and boiled 
the flesh, he spreads a layer of the freshest grass and especially 
clover, upon which he places forthwith all the pieces of flesh; 
and when he has placed them in order, a magian man stands by 
them and chants over them a theogony (for of this nature they say 
that their incantation is), seeing that without a magian it is not 
lawful for them to make sacrifices. Then after waiting a short 
time the sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it for whatever 
purpose he pleases. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How did the Persian beliefs concerning the gods differ from the 
Greek beliefs found in the Iliad? 2. Where did Herodotus get his 
information concerning the Persian religion? 3. Had the Persian be- 
liefs, according to Herodotus, been unchanged from the first ? 4. What 
points of resemblance and of difference between the Persian forms of 
worship and the Greek forms found in the Iliad and Odyssey ? 

b. The Second Invasion. Marathon 

Herodotus, VI, 102-113 

I. Having got Eretria into their power, they (the Persians) 
stayed a few days and then sailed for the land of Attica, pressing 
on hard and supposing that the Athenians would do the same as 
the Eretrians had done. And since Marathon was the most con- 
venient place in Attica for horsemen to act and also was very near 
to Eretria, therefore Hippias the son of Pisistratus was guiding 
them thither. 

When the Athenians had information of this, they too went 
to Marathon to the rescue of their land ; and they were led by ten 
generals, of whom the tenth was Miltiades, whose father Kimon 
son of Stesagoras had been compelled to go into exile from Athens 
because of Pisistratus the son of Hippocrates. 



lOO SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 



First of all, while they were still in the city, the generals 
sent off to Sparta a herald, namely Pheidippides, an Athenian and 
for the rest a runner of long day-courses and one who practised 
this as his profession. 

However at that time, the time namely when he said that 
Pan appeared to him, this Pheidippides having been sent by the 
generals was in Sparta on the next day after that on which he left 
the city of the Athenians; and when he had come to the magis- 
trates he said: ''Lacedemonians, the Athenians make request 
of you to come to their help and not to allow a city most anciently 
established among the Hellenes to fall into slavery by the means 
of barbarians ; for even now Eretria has been enslaved and Hellas 
has become the weaker by a city of renown." He, as I say, re- 
ported to them that with which he had been charged, and it 
pleased them well to come to help the Athenians; but it was im- 
possible for them to do so at once, since they did not desire to break 
their law; for it was the ninth day of the month, and on the ninth 
day they said they would not go forth, nor until the circle of the 
moon should be full. 

These then were waiting for the full moon: and meanwhile 
Hippias the son of Pisistratus was guiding the barbarians into 
Marathon, after having seen on the night that was just past a 
vision in his sleep. . . . He conjectured then from the dream 
that he should return to Athens and recover his rule, and then 
bring his life to an end in old age in his own land. From the 
dream, I say, he conjectured this; and after this, as he guided 
them in, first he disembarked the slaves from Eretria on the 
island belonging to the Styrians, called Aigleia ; and then, as the 
ships came in to shore at Marathon, he moored them there, and 
after the barbarians had come from their ships to land, he was 
engaged in disposing them in their places. While he was order- 
ing these things, it came upon him to sneeze and cough more 
violentlv than was his wont. Then since he was advanced in 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS loi 

years, most of his teeth were shaken thereby, and one of these teeth 
he cast forth by the violence of the cough : and the tooth having 
fallen from him upon the sand, he was very desirous to find it; 
since however the tooth was not to be found when he searched, 
he groaned aloud and said to those who were by him : ''This land 
is not ours, nor shall we be able to make it subject to us; but so 
much part in it as belonged to me the tooth possesses.'' . . . 

Now the opinions of the generals of the Athenians were di- 
vided, and the one party urged that they should not fight a battle, 
seeing that they were few to fight with the Medes, while the others, 
and among them Miltiades, advised that they should do so : and 
when they were divided and the worse opinion was like to prevail, 
then, since he who had been chosen by lot to be polemarch of the 
Athenians had a vote in addition to the ten (for in old times the 
Athenians gave the polemarch an equal vote with the generals) 
and at that time the polemarch was Callimachos of the deme of 
Aphidnai, to him came Miltiades and said as follows: "With thee 
now it rests, Callimachos, either to bring Athens under slavery, 
or by making her free to leave behind thee for all the time that 
men shall live a memorial such as not even Harmodios and Aris- 
togeiton have left. For now the Athenians have come to a danger 
the greatest to which they have ever come since they were a people ; 
and on the one hand, if they submit to the Medes, it is determined 
what they shall suffer, being delivered over to Hippias, while on 
the other hand, if this city shall gain the victory, it may become the 
first of the cities of Hellas. How this may happen and how it 
comes to thee of all men to have the decision of these matters, I 
am now^ about to tell. Of us the generals, w^ho are ten in number, 
the opinions are divided, the one party urging that we fight a 
battle and the others that we do not fight. Now if we do not, I 
expect that some great spirit of discord will fall upon the minds 
of the Athenians and so shake them that they shall go over to the 
Medes; but if we fight a battle before any unsoundness appear in 



I02 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

any part of the Athenian people, then we are al)le to gain the 
victory in the fight, if the gods grant equal conditions. These 
things then all belong to thee and depend upon thee; for if thou 
attach thyself to my opinion, thou hast both a fatherland which is 
free and a native city which shall be the first among the cities of 
Hellas; but if thou choose the opinion of those who are earnest 
against fighting, thou shalt have the opposite of those good things 
of which I told thee." 

Thus speaking Miltiades gamed Calhmachos to his side; and 
the opinion of the polemarch being added, it was thus deter- 
mined to fight a battle. After this, those generals whose opinion 
was in favor of fighting, as the turn of each one of them to com- 
mand for the day came around, gave over their command to Mil- 
tiades; and he, accepting it, would not however yet bring about a 
battle, until his own turn to command had come. 

And when it came round to him, then the Athenians were 

drawn up for battle in the order which here follows : on the right 

wing the polemarch Callimachos was leader (for the custom of 

the Athenians then was this, that the polemarch should have the 

right wing) ; and he leading, next after him came the tribes in 

order as they were numbered one after another, and last were drawn 

up the Plataians occupying the left wing; for ever shice this battle, 

w^hen the Athenians offer sacrifices in the solemn assemblies which 

are made at the four yearly festivals, the herald of the Athenians 

prays thus, '^that blessings may come to the Athenians and to the 

Plataians both." On this occasion, however, when the Athenians 

were being drawn up at Marathon something of this kind was done ; 

their army being made equal in length of front to that of the 

Medes, came to be drawn up in the middle with a depth of but 

few ranks, and here their army was weakest, while each wing was 

strengthened with numbers. 

And when they had been arranged in their places and the 
sacrifices proved favorable, then the Athenians were let go, and 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 103 

they set forth at a run to attack the barbarians. Now the space 
between the armies was not less than eight furlongs; and the Per- 
sians seeing them advancing to the attack at a run, made prepara- 
tions to receive them; and in their minds they charged the Athe- 
nians with madness which must be fatal, seeing that they were 
few and yet were pressing forward at a run, having neither cav- 
alry nor archers. Such was the thought of the barbarians; but 
the Athenians when all in a body they had joined in combat with 
the barbarians, fought in a memorable fashion : for they were the 
first of all the Hellenes about whom we know who went to attack 
the enemy at a run, and they were the first also who endured to 
face the Median garments and the men who wore th^m, whereas 
up to this time the very name of the Medes was to the Hellenes a 
terror to hear. 

Now while they fought in Marathon, much time passed by; 
and in the centre of the army where the Persian themselves and the 
Sacans were drawn up, the barbarians were winning, — here, I 
say, the barbarians had broken the ranks of their opponents and 
were pursuing them inland, but on both wings the Athenians and 
the Plataians severally were winning the victory; and being vic- 
torious they left that part of the barbarians which had been routed 
to fly without molestation, and bringing together the two wings 
they fought with those who had broken their centre, and the Athe- 
nians were victorious. So they followed after the Persians as they 
fled, slaughtering them, until they came to the sea; and then they 
called for fire and began to take hold of the ships. 

Herodotus, VI, 115 

2. Seven of the ships the Athenians got possession of in this 
manner, but with the rest the barbarians pushed off from land, and 
after taking the captives from Eretria off the island where they 
had left them, they sailed round Sunion, purposing to iarrive at 
the city before the Athenians. And an accusation became current 



I04 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

among the Athenians to the effect that they formed this design by 
contrivance of the Alcmaionidai ; for these, it was said, having con- 
certed matters with the Persians, displayed to them a shield when 
they had now embarked in their ships. 

These then, I say, were sailing round Bunion; and mean- 
while the Athenians came to the rescue back to the city as speedily 
as they could, and they arrived there before the barbarians came; 
and having arrived from the temple of Heracles at Marathon they 
encamped at another temple of Heracles, namely that which is in 
Kynosarges. The barbarians, however, came and lay with their 
ships in the sea which is off Phaleron (for this was then the seaport 
of the Athenians), they anchored their ships, I say, off this place, 
and proceeded to sail back to Asia. 

In this fight at Marathon there were slain of the barbarians 
about six thousand four hundred men, and of the Athenians 
a hundred and ninety and two. Such was the number which 
fell on both sides; and it happened also that a marvel occurred 
there of this kind : an Athenian, Epizelos the son of Cuphagoras, 
while fighting in the close combat and proving himself a good man, 
was deprived of the sight of his eyes, neither having received a 
blow in any part of his body nor having been hit with a missile, 
and for the rest of his life from this time he continued to be blind ; 
and I was informed that he used to tell about that which had hap- 
pened to him a tale of this kind, namely that it seemed to him that 
a tall man in full armor stood against him, whose beard overshad- 
owed his whole shield; and this apparition passed him by, but 
killed his comrade who stood next to him; thus, as I was informed, 
Epizelos told the tale. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Why should the Persians bring Hippias back with them? 2. In 
what ways are our means of communication better to-day than when 
Phidippides ran from Athens to Sparta? 3. Do you believe that the 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS lo 



god Pan really met Phidippides on the way ? 4. How could Herodotus 
learn the exact words of the message delivered to the Spartans by Phidip- 
pides ? 5. How much of this story about Phidippides is probably true ? 
6. What does the story tell us of the feeling in Athens about the Per- 
sian invasion? 7. In Sparta? 8. Do you believe the story about 
the tooth of Hippias ? 9. Are we sure that Miltiades really uttered the 
words put into his mouth by Herodotus? 10. What is there in the 
speech that suggests that the speech was written after the war ? 11. What 
connection between the organization of the Athenian people and of the 
Athenian army? 12. Is it Hkely that the Persians outnumbered the 
Athenians ten to one? 13. Did the Persians fight well at Marathon? 
14. Can we trust the statement, given by Herodotus, of the number 
that fell on either side? 15. Was the Persian army demorahzed? 
16. Were the Athenians united against the Persians? 17. What do 
you think of the story of Epizelos? 18. Did Herodotus believe it? 

c. The Third Invasion 
I. The Persian Army 

Herodotus, VII, 60-87 

I. Now of the number which each separate nation supplied I 
am not able to give certain information, for this is not reported 
by any person; but of the whole land-army taken together the 
number proved to be one hundred and seventy myriads ; and they 
numbered them throughout in the following manner: they 
gathered together in one place a body of ten thousand men, and 
packing them together as closely as they could, they drew a circle 
round outside ; and thus having drawn a circle round and having 
let the ten thousand men go from it, they built a wall of rough stones 
round the circumference of the circle, rising to the height of a 
man's waist. Having made this, they caused others to go^ into 
the space which had been built round, until they had in this manner 
numbered them all throughout; and after they had numbered 
them they ordered them separately by nations. 



io6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Now those who served were as follows : the Persians with this 
equipment: about their heads they had soft felt caps called 
tiaras, and about their body tunics of various colors with sleeves, 
presenting the appearance of iron scales like those of a fish, and 
about the legs trousers; and instead of the ordinary shields they 
had shields of wicker-w^ork, under which hung quivers; and they 
had short spears and large bows and arrows of reed, and moreover 
daggers hanging by the right thigh from the girdle; and they 
acknowledged as their commander Otanes the father of Amestris 
the wife of Xerxes. . . . 

The Medes served in the expedition equipped in precisely the 
same manner; for this equipment is in fact Median and not 
Persian: ... 

The Assyrians served w^ith helmets about their heads made 
of bronze or plaited in a barbarian style which it is not easy to 
describe; and they had shields and spears, and daggers like the 
Egyptian knives, and moreover they had wooden clubs with knobs 
of iron, and corslets of linen. . . . 

The Bactrians served w^earing about their heads nearly the 
same covering as the Medes, and having native bows of reed and 
short spears. The Sacan Scythians had about their heads caps 
which were carried up to a point and set upright and stiff; and 
they wore trousers, and carried native bows and daggers, and 
besides this axes of the kind called sagaris. . . . 

The Indians w^ore garments made of tree-wool, and they had 
bows of reed and arrows of reed with iron points. . . . 

The Caspians served wearing coats of skin and having native 
bows of reed and short swords: . . . 

The Arabians wore loose mantles girt up, and they carried 
at their right side bows that bent backward of great length. The 
Ethiopians had skins of leopards and lions tied upon them, and 
bows made of a slip of palm-wood, which were of great length, 
not less than four cubits, and for them small arrows of reed with 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 107 

a sharpened stone at the head instead of iron, the same stone with 
which they engrave seals : in addition to this they had spears, and 
on them w^as the sharpened horn of a gazelle by way of a spear- 
head, and they had also clubs with knobs upon them. Of their 
body they used to smear over half with white, when they w^ent to 
battle, and the other half with red. . . . 

The Thracians served having fox-skins upon their heads and 
tunics about their body, with loose mantles of various colors 
thrown round over them; and about their feet and lower part of 
the leg they w^ore boots of deer-skin; and besides this they had 
javelins and round bucklers and small daggers. . . . 

The Colchians wore wooden helmets about their heads, and had 
small shields of raw ox-hide and short spears, and also knives. . . . 

These were generals of the whole together that went on foot, 
excepting the ten thousand; and of these ten thousand chosen 
Persians the general was Hydarnes son of Hydarnes; and these 
Persians wxre called '' Immortals," because, if any one of them 
made the number incomplete, being overcome by death or disease, 
another man was chosen to his place, and they were never either 
more or fewer than ten thousand. Now of all the nations, the 
Persians showed the greatest splendor of ornament and were 
themselves the best men. They had equipment such as has been 
mentioned, and besides this they were conspicuous among the rest 
for great quantity of gold freely used; and they took them with 
carriages, and in them concubines and a multitude of attendants 
well furnished; and provisions for them apart from the soldiers 
were borne by camels and beasts of burden. . . . 

These nations alone served as cavalry, and the number of 
the cavalry proved to be eight myriads, apart from the camels 
and the chariots. Now the rest of the cavalry was arrayed in 
squadrons, but the Arabians w^ere placed after them and last of 
all, for the horses could not endure the camels, and therefore they 
were placed last, in order that the horses might not be frightened. 



io8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

QUESTIONS 

I. What do you think of Herodotus' story of the measuring of the 
Persian army? 2. Locate on an outline map the peoples that composed 
the army. .3. Make a classified list of the armor and of the offen- 
sive and defensive weapons used by the Persians. 4. Which troops 
in the Persian army were the best equipped? 5. Compared with an 
army of Greeks, what did such an army as that of Xerxes lack ? 

2. Thermopylae 

Herodotus, \'II, 140-225 

I. For the Athenians had sent men to Delphi to inquire and 
were preparing to consult the oracle; and after these had per- 
formed the usual rites in the sacred precincts, when they had 
entered the sanctuary and were sitting down there, the Pythian 
prophetess, whose name was Aristonike, uttered to them this 
oracle : — 

Why do ye sit, O ye wretched ? Flee thou to the uttermost limits. 
Leaving thy home and the heights of the wheel-round city behind thee ! 
Lo, there remaineth now nor the head nor the body in safety, 
Neither the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are left thee, — 
All are destroyed together ; for fire and the passionate war-god, 
Urging the Syrian car to speed, doth hurl them to ruin. 
Not thine alone, he shall cause many more great strongholds to perish, 
Yea, many temples of gods to the ravening fire shall deliver, — 
Temples which stand now surely with sweat of their terror down- 
streaming, 
Quaking with dread; and lo ! from the topmost roof to the pavement. 
Dark blood trickles, forecasting the dire unavoidable evil. 
Forth you with, forth from the shrine, and steep your soul in the sorrow ! 

Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to 
consult the oracle were very greatly distressed : and as they w^ere 
despairing by reason of the evil which had been prophesied to 



WARS WITFI PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 109 

them, Timon the son of Androbulos, a man of the Delphians in 
reputation equal to the first, counselled them to take a suppliant's 
bough and to approach the second time and consult the oracle as 
suppliants. The Athenians did as he advised and said: ''Lord, 
we. pray thee utter to us some better oracle about our native land, 
having respect to these suppliant boughs which we have come to 
thee bearing; otherwise surely we will not depart away from the 
sanctuary, but will remain here where we are now even until we 
bring our lives to an end." When they spoke these words, the 
prophetess gave them a second oracle as follows : — 

Pallas cannot prevail to appease great Zeus in Olympus, 
Though she with words very many and wiles close-woven entreat him. 
But I will tell thee this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine : 
Then when all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary of Cecrops 
Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of divinest Cithairon, 
A bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Trito-born goddess 
Sole to remain unwasted, which thee and thy children shall profit. 
Stay thou not there for the horsemen to come and the footmen un- 
numbered ; 
Stay thou not still for the host from the mainland to come, but retire thee, 
Turning thy back to the foe, for yet thou shalt face him hereafter. 
Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause sons of women to perish, 
Or v/hen the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together. 

This seemed to them to be (as in truth it was) a milder 
utterance than the former one ; therefore they had it written down 
and departed with it to Athens: and when the messengers after 
their return made report to the people, many various opinions were 
expressed by persons inquiring into the meaning of the oracle, and 
among them these standing most in opposition to one another: 
some of the elder men said they thought that the god had prophe- 
sied to them that the acropolis should survive; for the acropolis 
of the Athenians was in old times fenced with a thorn hedge ; and 



no SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

they conjectured accordingly that this saying about the ''bulwark 
of wood" referred to the fence: others on the contrary said that 
the god meant by this their ships, and they advised to leave all 
else and get ready these. Now they who said that the ships \vere 
the bulwark of wood were shaken in their interpretation by the 
two last verses which the prophetess uttered : — 

Salamis, thou the divine, thou shalt cause sons of women to perish. 
Or when the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together. 

In references to these verses the opinions of those who said that 
the ships were the bulwark of w^ood were disturbed; for the inter- 
preters of oracles took these to mean that it was fated for them, 
having got ready for a sea-fight, to suffer defeat round about 
Salamis. 

Now there was one man of the Athenians who had lately 
been coming forw^ard to take a place among the first, whose name 
was Themistocles, called son of Neocles. This man said that the 
interpreters of oracles did not make right conjecture on the whole, 
and he spoke as follows, saying that if these words that had been 
uttered referred really to the Athenians, he did not think it would 
have been so mildly expressed in the oracle, but rather thus, 
''Salamis, thou the merciless," instead of "Salamis, thou the 
divine" at least if its settlers wxre destined to perish round about 
it : but in truth the oracle had been spoken by the god with refer- 
ence to the enemy, if one understood it rightly, .and not to the 
Athenians : therefore he counselled them to get ready to fight a 
battle by sea, for in this was their bulwark of wood. When The- 
mistocles declared his opinion thus, the Athenians judged that 
this was to be preferred by them rather than the advice of the in- 
terpreters of oracles, who bade them not to make ready for a sea- 
fight, nor in short raise their hands at all in opposition, but leave 
the land of Attica and settle in some other. . . . 

As to Artemision first, coming out of the Thracian sea tlie 




Fig. 9. East Front of the Parthenon, Restored and Dissected 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS iii 

space is contracted from great width to that narrow channel which 
lies between the island of Skiathos and the mainland of Magnesia; 
and after the strait there follows at once in Euboea the sea-beach 
called Artemision, upon which there is a temple of Artemis. 
Then secondly the passage into Hellas by Trachis is, where it is 
narrowest, but fifty feet wide: it is not here, however, that the 
narrowest part of this whole region lies, but in front of Thermopy- 
lai and also behind it, consisting of a single wheel-track only both 
by Alpenci, which Hes behind Thermopylai, and again by the 
river Phoinix near the town of Anthela there is no space but a 
single wheel-track only : and on the west of Thermopylai there is 
a mountain which is impassable and precipitous, rising up to a 
great height and extending towards the range of Oite, while on the 
east of the road the sea with swampy pools succeeds at once. In 
this passage there are hot springs, which the natives of the place 
call the ''Pots," and an altar of Heracles is set up near them. 
Moreover a wall had once been built at this pass, and in old times 
there was a gate set in it; which wall was built by the Phocians, 
who were struck with fear because the Thessalians had come from 
the land of the Thesprotians to settle in the Aiolian land, the same 
which they now possess. Since then the Thessalians, as they sup- 
posed, were attempting to subdue them, the Phocians guarded 
themselves against this beforehand ; and at that time they let the 
water of the hot springs run over the passage, that the place might 
be converted into a ravine, and devised every means that the Thes- 
salians might not make the invasion of their land. Now the 
ancient wall had been built long before, and the greater part of it 
was by that time in ruins from lapse of time; the Hellenes, how- 
ever, resolved to set it up again and at this spot to repel the bar- 
barian from Hellas : and very near the road there is a village called 
Alpenoi, from which the Hellenes counted on getting supplies. . . . 
These, I say, had intended to do thus; and meanwhile the 
Hellenes at Thermopylai, when the Persian had come near to 



112 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

the pass, were in dread, and deliberated about making retreat 
from their position. To the rest of the Peloponnesians then it 
seemed best that they should go to the Peloponnese and hold the 
isthmus in guard; but Lecnidas, when the Phocians and Lo- 
crians were indignant at this opinion, gave his vote for remaining 
there, and for sending at the same time messengers to the several 
states bidding them come up to help them since they were but few 
to repel the army of the Medes. 

As they wxre thus deliberating, Xerxes sent a scout on horse- 
back to see how many they were in number and what they 
were doing; for he had heard while he was yet in Thessaly that 
there had been assembled in this place a small force, and that the 
leaders of it were Lacedemonians together with Leonidas, who was 
of the race of Heracles. And when the horseman had ridden up 
towards their camp, he looked upon them and had a view not 
indeed of the whole of their army, for of those which were posted 
within the wall, which they had repaired and were keeping in guard 
it was not possible to have a view, but he observed those who were 
outside, whose station was in front of the wall; and it chanced at 
that time that the Lacedemonians were they who were posted out- 
side.) So then he saw some of the men practising athletic exercises 
and some combing their long hair: and as he looked upon these 
things he marvelled, and at the same time he observed their num- 
ber: and when he had observed all exactly, he rode back un- 
molested, for no one attempted to pursue him and he found 
himself treated with much indifference. And when he returned he 
reported to Xerxes all that which he had seen. 

Hearing this Xerxes was not able to conjecture the truth 
about the matter, namely that they were preparing themselves to 
die and to deal death to the enemy so far as they might; but it 
seemed to him that they were acting in a manner merely ridicu- 
lous; and therefore he sent for Demaratus the son of Ariston, 
who was in his camp, and when he came, Xerxes asked him of 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 113 

these things severally, desiring to discover what this was which 
the Lacedemonians were doing: and he said: ''Thou didst hear 
from my mouth at a former time, when we were setting forth to 
go against Hellas, the things concerning these men; and having 
heard them thou madest me an object of laughter, because I told 
thee of these things which I perceived would come to pass; for 
to me it is the greatest of all ends to speak the truth continually 
before thee, O king. Hear then now also : these men have come 
to fight with us for the passage, and this it is that they are pre- 
paring to do ; for they have a custom which is as follows : when- 
ever they are about to put their lives in peril, then they attend to 
the arrangement of their hair. Be assured, however, that if thou 
shalt subdue these and the rest of them which remain behind in 
Sparta, there is no other race of men which will await thy onset, 
O king, or will raise hands against thee : for now thou art about 
to fight against the noblest kingdom and city of those which are 
among the Hellenes, and the best men.'' To Xerxes that which 
was said seemed to be utterly incredible, and he asked again a 
second time in what manner being so few they would fight with his 
host. He said : " O king, deal with me as with a liar, if thou find 
not that these things come to pass as I say." 

Thus saying he did not convince Xerxes, who let four days 
go by, expecting always that they would take to flight ; but on the 
fifth day, when they did not depart but remained, being obstinate, 
as he thought, in impudence and folly, he was enraged and sent 
against them the Medes and the Kissians, charging them to take 
the men alive and bring them into his presence. Then when the 
Medes moved forward and attacked the Hellenes, there fell many 
of them, and others kept coming up continually, and they were 
not driven back, though suffering great loss: and they made it 
evident to every man, and to the king himself not least of all, that 
human beings are many but men are few. This combat went on 
throughout the day. 



114 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

And when the Medes were being roughly handled, then these 
retired from the battle, and the Persians, those namely whom the 
king called ''Immortals,'' of whom Hydarnes was commander, 
took their place and came to the attack, supposing that they, at 
least, would easily overcome the enemy. When, however, these 
also engaged in combat with the Hellenes, they gained no more 
success than the Median troops but the same as they, seeing that 
they were fighting in a place with a narrow passage, using shorter 
spears than the Hellenes, and not being able to take advantage 
of their superior numbers. The Lacedemonians meanwhile were 
fighting in a memorable fashion, and besides other things of which 
they made display, being men perfectly skilled in fighting opposed 
to men who were unskilled, they would turn their backs to the 
enemy and make a pretence of taking to flight; and the bar- 
barians, seeing them thus taking to flight, would follow after 
them with shouting and clashing of arms: then the Lacede- 
monians, when they were being caught up, turned back and 
faced the barbarians; and thus turning round they would slay 
innumerable multitudes of the Persians; and there fell also at 
these times a few of the Spartans themselves. So, as the Persians 
were not able to obtain any success by making a trial of the en- 
trance and attacking it by divisions and every way, they retired. 

And during these onsets it is said that the king, looking 
on, three times leaped up from his seat, struck with fear for his 
army. Thus they contended then: and on the following day the 
barbarians strove with no better result, for because the men op- 
posed to them were few in number, they engaged battle with the 
expectation that they would be found to be disabled and would 
not be capable any longer of raising their hands against them 
in fight. The Hellenes, however, were ordered by companies as 
well as by nations, and they fought successively each in turn, 
excepting the Phocians, for these were posted upon the mountain 
to guard the path. So the Persians, finding nothing different 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 115 

from that which they had seen on the former day, retired from 
the fight. . . . 

To the Hellenes who were in Thermopylai first the sooth- 
sayer Megistias, after looking into the victims which w^ere sac- 
rificed, declared the death which was to come to them at dawn of 
day; and afterw^ards deserters brought the report of the Persians 
having gone round. These signified it to them while it was yet 
night, and thirdly came the day-watchers, who had run down from 
the heights when day was already dawning. Then the Hellenes 
deliberated, and their opinions were divided; for some urged that 
they should not desert their post, while others opposed this counsel. 
After this they departed from their assembly and some went away 
and dispersed each to their several cities, w^hile others of them were 
ready to remain there together w^ith Leonidas. 

However, it is reported, also, that Leonidas himself sent them, 
having a care that they might not perish, but thinking that it was 
not seemly for himself and for the Spartans who were present to 
leave the post to which they had come at first to keep guard there. 
I am inclined rather to be of this latter opinion, namely that be- 
cause Leonidas perceived that the allies were out of heart and did 
not desire to face the danger with him to the end. He ordered 
them to depart, but held that for himself to go aw^ay was not hon- 
orable, whereas if he remained, a great fame of him would be left 
behind and the prosperity of Sparta would not be blotted out; 
for an oracle had been given by the Pythian prophetess to the 
Spartans, when they consulted about this war at the time that it 
was being first set on foot, to the effect that either Lacedemon 
must be destroyed by the barbarians, or their king must lose his 
life. This reply the prophetess gave them in hexameter verses, 
and it ran thus : — 

But as for you, ye men who in wide-spaced Sparta inhabit, 
Either your glorious city is sacked by the children of Perses, 



Ii6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Or, if it be not so, then a king of the stock Heracleian 

Dead shall be mourned for by all in the boundaries of broad Lacedemon. 

Him nor the might of bulls nor the raging of Hons shall hinder; 

For he hath might as of Zeus ; and I say he shall not be restrained. 

Till one or other of these he have utterly torn and divided. 

I am of opinion that Leonidas considering these things and desiring 
to lay up for himself glory above all the other Spartans, dismissed 
the allies, rather than that those who departed did so in such dis- 
orderly fashion, because they were divided in opinion. 

Xerxes meanwhile, having made libations at sunrise, stayed 
for some time, until about the hour when the market fills, and then 
made an advance upon them; for thus it had been enjoined by 
Epialtes, seeing that the descent of the mountain is shorter and the 
space to be passed over much less than the going round and the 
ascent. The barbarians accordingly with Xerxes were advancing 
to the attack; and the Hellenes with Leonidas, feeling that they 
were going forth to death, now advanced out much further than at 
first into the broader part of the defile ; for when the fence of the 
wall was being guarded, they on the former days fought retiring 
before the enemy into the narrow part of the pass; but now they 
engaged with them outside the narrows, and very many of the bar- 
barians fell: for behind them the leaders of the divisions with 
scourges in their hands were striking each man, ever urging them 
on to the front. Many of them then were driven into the sea and 
perished, and many more still were trodden down while yet alive 
by one another, and there was no reckoning of the number that 
perished; for knowing that death which was about to come upon 
them by reason of those who were going round the mountain, 
they displayed upon the barbarians all the strength which they 
had, to its greatest extent, disregarding danger and acting as if 
possessed by a spirit of recklessness. 

Now by this time the spears of the greater number of them 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 117 

were broken, so it chanced, in this combat, and they were slaying 
the Persians with their swords ; and in this lighting fell Leonidas, 
having proved himself a very good man, and others, also, of the 
Spartans with him, men of note, of whose names I was informed as 
of. men who had proved themselves w^orthy, and indeed I was told 
also the names of all the three hundred. Moreover of the Per- 
sians there fell here, besides many others of note, especially two 
sons of Dareios, Abrocomes and Hyperanthes, born to Dareios of 
Phratagune the daughter of Artanes : now Artanes was the brother 
of king Dareios and the son of Hystaspes, the son of Arsames; 
and he in giving his daughter in marriage to Dareios gave also 
with her all his substance, because she was his only child. 

Two brothers of Xerxes, I say, fell here fighting; and mean- 
while over the body of Leonidas there arose a great struggle 
between the Persians and the Lacedemonians, until the Hellenes 
by valor dragged this away from the enemy and turned their 
opponents to flight four times. This conflict continued until those 
who had gone with Epialtes came up; and when the Hellenes 
learnt that these had come, from that moment the nature of the 
combat was changed ; for they retired to the narrow part of the way, 
and having passed by the wall they went and placed themselves 
upon the hillock, all in a body together, except only the Thebans. 
Now this hillock is in the entrance, where now the stone lion is 
placed for Leonidas. On this spot, while defending themselves 
with daggers, that is those who still had them left, and also with 
hands and with teeth, they were overwhelmed by the missiles 
of the barbarians, some of these having followed directly after 
them and destroyed the wall, while others had come round and 
stood about them on all sides. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Do the oracles given by Herodotus (chapters 140, 141) appear 
to be literal reproductions of the utterances of the priestess, delivered 



ii8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

before the victories of the Greeks over the Persians? Give reasons for 
your opinion. 2. Did the Athenians beheve in the abiHty of the oracle 
to predict coming events? 3. What seemed to be the opinion of the 
oracle as to the outcome of the war? 4. Was Themistocles' interpre- 
tation of the oracle a natural one for him to make? 5. Locate Ther- 
mopylae and Artemisium on a sketch map of Greece and explain their 
importance in a plan for the defence of Greece. 6. What do you think 
of the Hteral truth of the story in chapter 209? 7. In what part of 
Greece is it probable that the story originated ? 8. What reason could 
there have been for the statement that if the Spartans were subdued 
^' there is no other race of men which will await thy onset " ? 9. Do you 
think that the account of the battle of Thermopylae is fair to the Persians? 

10. What advantages had the Spartans over the Persians in this battle ? 

11. Where did Herodotus probably get his information about the battle 
of Thermopylae? 12. What is the value of the opinion of Herodotus 
as to why the Spartans remained at Thermopylae? 13. Are we sure that 
the oracle about the death of a Spartan king was not fabricated after 
Thermopylae? 14. Was Herodotus a critical investigator or was he 
rather credulous? 15. Were all the Persians driven into battle by 
whips in the hands of their officers? 16. Make a condensed outHne of 
the battle and illustrate it by a map. 17. Where could Herodotus learn 
the names of the three hundred Spartans who fell at Thermopylae? 

3. Salamis 

Herodotus, VIII, 83-86 

I. The Hellenes, then, since they believed that which was 
said by the Tenians, were preparing for a sea-fight: and as the 
dawn appeared, they made an assembly of those who fought on 
board the ships and addressed them, Themistocles making a 
speech which was eloquent beyond the rest; and the substance 
of it was to set forth all that is better as opposed to that which is 
worse, of the several things which arise in the nature and consti- 
tution of man; and having exhorted them to choose the better, 
and thus having wound up. his speech, he bade them embark in 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS iiq 

their ships. These, then, proceeded to embark, and there came 
in meanwhile the trireme from Egina which had gone away to 
bring the sons of Aiacos. 

Then the Hellenes put out all their ships, and while they 
were putting out from shore, the barbarians attacked them forth- 
with. Now the other Hellenes began backing their ships and were 
about to run them aground, but Ameinias of Pallene, an Athenian, 
put forth with his ship and charged one of the enemy; and his 
ship being entangled in combat and the men not being able to 
get away, the others joined in the fight to assist Ameinias. The 
Athenians say that the beginning of the battle was made thus, but 
the Eginetans say that the ship which went away to Egina to bring 
the sons of Aiacos was that which began the fight. It is also re- 
ported that an apparition of a woman w^as seen by them, and 
that having appeared she encouraged them to the fight so that the 
whole army of the Hellenes heard it, first having reproached them 
in these w^ords: ''Madmen, how far will ye yet back your 
ships?'' 

Opposite the Athenians had been ranged the Phoenicians, 
for these occupied the wing towards Eleusis and the WTSt, and 
opposite the Lacedemonians were the lonians, who occupied the 
wing w^hich extended to the east and to Piraeus. Of them, how- 
ever, a few were purposely slack in the fight according to the in- 
junctions of Themistocles, but the greater number were not so. 
I might mention now the names of many captains of ships who 
destroyed ships of the Hellenes, but I will make no use of their 
names except in the case of Theomestor the son of Androdamos 
and Phylacos the son of Histiaios, of Samos both: and for this 
reason I make mention of these and not of the rest, because Theo- 
mestor on account of this deed became despot of Samos, appointed 
by the Persians, and Phylacos was recorded as a benefactor of 
the king and received much land as a reward. Now the benefac- 
tors of the king are called in the Persian tongue orosangai. 



I20 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Thus it was with these; but the greater number of their ships 
were disabled at Salamis, being destroyed some by the Athenians 
and others by the Eginetans; for since the Hellenes fought in 
order and ranged in their places, while the barbarians were no 
longer ranged in order nor did anything with design, it was likely 
that there would be some such result as in fact followed. Yet 
on this day they surpassed themselves much more than w^hen 
they fought by Euboea, every one being eager and fearing Xerxes, 
and each man thinking that the king w^as looking especially at 
him. 

Plutarch, Lives, I, pp. 183, 184 

2. As soon as it w^as day, Xerxes placed himself high up, to 
view his fleet, and how^ it was set in order. Phanodemus says, 
he sat upon a promontory above the temple of Hercules, where the 
coast of Attica is separated from the island by a narrow channel; 
but Acestodorus writes, that it w^as in the confines of Megara, 
upon those hills which are called the Horns, where he sat in a chair 
of gold, with many secretaries about him to write down all that was 
done in the fight. 

The number of the enemy's ships the poet iEschylus gives in his 
tragedy called the Persians, as on his certain knowledge, in the 
following w^ords: — 

" Xerxes, I know, did into battle lead 
One thousand ships; of more than usual speed 
Seven and two hundred. So it is agreed." 

The Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every ship eighteen 
men fought upon the deck, four of whom wxre archers and the 
rest men at arms. 

As Themistocles had fixed upon the most advantageous place, 
so, with no less sagacity, he chose the best time of fighting; for he 
w^ould not run the prows of his galleys against the Persians, nor 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 121 

begin the fight till the time of day was come, when there regu- 
larly blows in a fresh breeze from the open sea, and brings in with 
it a strong swell into the channel ; which was no inconvenience to 
the Greek ships, which were low-built, and little above the water, 
but did much hurt to the Persians, which had high sterns and lofty 
decks, and were heavy and cumbrous in their movements, as it 
presented them broadside to the quick charges of the Greeks, w^ho 
kept their eyes upon the motions of Themistocles, as their best 
example, and more particularly because, opposed to his ship, Aria- 
menes, admiral to Xerxes, a brave man, and by far the best and 
worthiest of the king's brothers, was seen throwing darts and shoot- 
ing arrows from his huge galley, as from the w^alls of a castle. 
Aminias the Decelean and Sosicles the Pedian, who sailed in the 
same vessel, upon the ships meeting stem to stem, and transfixing 
each the other with their brazen prows, so that they were fastened 
together, when Ariamenes attempted to board theirs, ran at him 
with their pikes, and thrust him into the sea; his body, as it 
floated amongst other shipwrecks, was known to Artemisia, and 
carried to Xerxes. 

It is reported that, in the middle of the fight, a great flame rose 
into the air above the city of Eleusis, and that sounds and voices 
were heard through all the Thriasian plain, as far as the sea, 
sounding like a number of men accompanying and escorting the 
mystic lacchus, and that a mist seemed to form and rise from the 
place from whence the sounds came, and, passing forward, fell 
upon the galleys. Others believed that they saw apparitions, 
in the shape of armed men, reaching out their hands from the 
island of ^gina before the Grecian galleys; and supposed they 
were the ^acidae, whom they had invoked to their aid before the 
batde. The first man that took a ship was Lycomedes the Athe- 
nian, captain of a galley, who cut down its ensign, and dedicated 
it to Apollo the laurel-crowned. And as the Persians fought in a 
narrow arm of the sea, and could bring but part of their fleet to 



122 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

fight, and fell foul of one another, the Greeks thus equalled them 
in strength, and fought with them till the evening forced them back, 
and obtained, as says Simonides, that noble and famous victory, 
than which neither amongst the Greeks nor barbarians was ever 
known more glorious exploit on the seas: by the joint valor, in- 
deed, and zeal of all who fought, but by the wisdom and sagacity 
of Themistocles. 

3. ^schylus, The Persians, 11. 333-473 

Atossa. Woe, woe ! I hear the very worst of ills, 
Shame to the Persians, cause of bitter wail; 
But tell me, going o'er the ground again. 
How great the number of the Hellenes' navy, 
That they presumed with Persia's armament 
To wage their warfare in the clash of ships. 

Messenger. As far as numbers went, be sure the ships 
Of Persia had the better, for the Hellenes 
Had as their total, ships but fifteen score. 
And other ten selected as reserve. 
And Xerxes (well I know it) had a thousand 
Which he commanded — those that most excelled 
In speed were twice five score and seven in number; 
So stands the account. Deem'st thou our forces less 
In that encounter? Nay, some power above 
Destroyed our host, and pressed the balance down 
With most unequal fortune, and the gods 
Preserve the city of the goddess Pallas. 

Atossa. Is the Athenian's city then unsacked? 

Messenger. Their men are left, and that is bulwark strong. 

Atossa. Next tell me how the fight of ships began. 
Who led the attack? Were those Hellenes the first. 
Or was't my son, exulting in his strength? 

Messenger. The author of the mischief, O my mistress. 
Was some foul fiend or power on evil bent ; 
For lo ! a Hellene from the Athenian host 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 123 

Came to thy son, to Xerxes, and spake thus. 

That should the shadow of the dark night come, 

The Hellenes would not wait him, but would leap 

Into their rowers' benches, here and there. 

And save their lives in secret, hasty flight. 

And he forthwith, this hearing, knowing not 

The Hellenes' guile, nor yet the gods' great wrath, 

Gives this command to all his admirals. 

Soon as the sun should cease to burn the earth 

With his bright rays and darkness thick invade 

The firmament of heaven, to set their ships 

In three -fold lines, to hinder all escape. 

And guard the billowy straits, and others place 

In circuit round about the isle of Aias: 

For if the Hellenes 'scaped an evil doom, 

And found a way of secret, hasty flight, 

It was ordained that all should lose their heads. 

Such things he spake from soul o'erwrought with pride, 

For he knew not what fate the gods would send; 

And they not mutinous, but prompt to serve. 

Then made their supper ready, and each sailor 

Fastened his oar around true-fitting thole. 

And when the sunlight vanished, and the night 

Had come, then each man, master of an oar, 

Went to his ship, and all men bearing arms. 

And through the long ships rank cheered loud to rank; 

And so they sail, as 'twas appointed each. 

And all night long the captains of the fleet 

Kept their men working, rowing to and fro; 

Night then came on, and the Hellenic host 

In no wise sought to take to secret flight. 

And when day, bright to look on with white steeds, 

O'erspread the earth, then rose from the Hellenes 

Loud chant of cry of battle, and forthwith 

Echo gave answer from each island rock; 

And terror then on all the Persians fell 



124 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Of fond hopes disappointed. Not in flight 

The Hellenes then their solemn paeans sang: 

But with brave spirit hasting on to battle. 

With martial sound the trumpet fired those ranks ; 

And straight with sweep of oars that flew through foam, 

They smote the loud waves at the boatswain's call; 

And swiftly all were manifest to sight. 

Then first their right wing moved in order meet ; 

Next the whole line its forward course began, 

And all at once we heard a mighty shout, — 

"O sons of Hellenes, forward, free your country; 

Free too your wives, your children, and the shrines 

Built to your fathers' gods, and holy tombs 

Your ancestors now rest in. Now the fight 

Is for our all." And on our side indeed 

Arose in answer din of Persian speech. 

And time to wait was over; ship on ship 

Dashed its bronze-pointed beak, and first a barque 

Of Hellas did the encounter fierce begin. 

And from Phoenician vessel crashes off 

Her carved prow. And each against his neighbor 

Steers his own ship: and first the mighty flood 

Of Persian host held out. But when the ships 

Were crowded in the straits, nor could they give 

Help to each other, they with mutual shocks. 

With beaks of bronze went crushing each the other^ 

Shivering their rowers' benches. And the ships 

Of Hellas, with manoeuvring not unskilful. 

Charged circling round them. And the hulls of ships 

Floated capsized, nor could the sea be seen, 

Strown, as it was, with wrecks and carcasses; 

And all the shores and rocks were full of corpses. 

And every ship was wildly rowed in fight. 

All that composed the Persian armament. 

And they, as men spear tunnies, or a haul 

Of other fishes, with the shafts of oars, 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 125 

Or spars of wrecks went smiting, cleaving down; 
And bitter groans and wailings overspread 
The wide sea -waves, till eye of swarthy night 
Bade it all cease : and for the mass of ills. 
Not, though my tale should run for ten full days, 
Could I in full recount them. Be assured 
That never yet so great a multitude 
Died in a single day as died in this. 

Atossa. Ah, me ! Great then the sea of ills that breaks 
On Persia and the w^hole barbaric host. 

Messenger. Be sure our evil fate is but half o'er: 
On this has supervxned such bulk of woe, 
As more than twice to outweigh what I've told. 

Atossa. And yet what fortune could be worse than this? 
Say, what is this disaster which thou tell'st, 
That turns the scale to greater evils still? 

Messenger. Those Persians that were in the bloom of life, 
Bravest in heart and noblest in their blood. 
And by the king himself deemed worthiest trust. 
Basely and by most shameful death have died. 

Atossa. Ah ! woe is me, my friends, for our ill fate ! 
What was the death by which thou say'st they perished? 

Messenger. There is an isle that lies off Salamis, 
Small, with bad anchorage for ships, where Pan, 
Pan the dance-loving, haunts the sea-washed coast. 
There Xerxes sends these men, that when their foes, 
Being wTecked, should to the islands safely swim, 
They might with ease destroy th' Hellenic host, 
And save their friends from out the deep sea's paths; 
But ill the future guessing: for when God 
Gave the Hellenes the glory of the battle. 
In that same hour, with arms well wrought in bronze 
Shielding their bodies, from their ships they leapt. 
And the whole isle encircled, so that we 
Were sore distressed, and knew not where to turn; 
For here men's hands hurled many a stone at them ; 



126 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

And there the arrows from the archer's bow 

Smote and destroyed them ; and with one great rush, 

At last advancing, they lipon them dash 

And smite, and hew the limbs of these poor wretches, 

Till they each foe had utterly destroyed. 

(And Xerxes when he saw how deep the ill, 

Groaned out aloud, for he had ta'en his seat. 

With clear, wide view of all the army round. 

On a high cUff hard by the open sea; 

And tearing then his robes with bitter cry, 

And giving orders to his troops on shore. 

He sends them off in foul retreat. This grief 

'Tis thine to mourn besides the former ills.) 

Herodotus, VIII, 97-99 

4. When Xerxes perceived the disaster which had come upon 
him, he feared lest some one of the lonians should suggest to the 
Hellenes, or they should themselves form the idea, to sail to the 
Hellespont and break- up the bridges ; and so he might be cut off in 
Europe and run the risk of perishing utterly : therefore he began 
to consider about taking flight. He desired hov^ever that his in- 
tention should not be perceived either by the Hellenes or by those 
of his own side ; therefore he attempted to construct a mole going 
across to Salamis, and he bound together Phoenician merchant 
vessels in order that they might serve him both for a bridge and a 
wall, and made preparations for fighting as if he were going to 
have another battle by sea. Seeing him do so, all the rest made 
sure that he had got himself ready in earnest and intended to 
stay and fight; but Mardonius did not fail to perceive the true 
meaning of all these things, being by experience very well versed 
in his way of thinking. 

While Xerxes was doing thus, he sent a messenger to the 
Persians to announce the calamity which had come upon them. 
Now there is nothing mortal which accomplishes a journey with 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 127 

more speed than these messengers, so skilfully has this been in- 
vented by the Persians: for they say that according to the number 
of the days of which the entire journey consists, so many horses and 
men are set at intervals, each man and horse appointed for a day's 
journey. These neither snow nor rain nor heat nor darkness of 
night prevents from accomplishing each one the task proposed 
to him, with the very utmost speed. The first then rides and 
delivers the message with which he is charged to the second, and 
the second to the third; and after that it goes through them 
handed from one to the other, as in the torch-race among the 
Hellenes, which they perform for Hephaistos. This kind of run- 
ning of their horses the Persians call angareion. 

The first message then whi h came to Susa, announcing that 
Xerxes had Athens in his possession, so greatly rejoiced the 
Persians who had been left behind, that they strewed all the ways 
with myrtle boughs and offered incense perpetually, and themselves 
continued in sacrifices and feasting. The second message, how- 
ever, which came to them after this, so greatly disturbed them that 
they all tore their garments and gave themselves up to crying and 
lamentation without stint, laying the blame upon Mardonius : and 
this the Persians did not so much because they were grieved about 
the ships, as because they feared for Xerxes himself. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Compare the three accounts of the battle of Salaipis given by 
iEschylus, Herodotus, and Plutarch, noting in what they agree and in 
what they disagree. Are they independent? 2. Which account is the 
most valuable, and why? 3. Point out the myths in these accounts, i.e. 
things that could not have happened. 4. Make an outline of the battle 
of Salamis, using the sources, and write a narrative citing the sources. 
Where they disagree, explain in a note why you follow one source rather 
than another. 5. Read aloud iEschylus' description of the battle. 
6. Compare the rapidity with which news was transmitted in Persia in 
Xerxes' day with the results attained in our day. 



128 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

4. Plataea 

Herodotus, IX, 41-85 

I. For ten days, then, nothing more was done than this; but 
when the eleventh day had come, while they still sat opposite to 
one another at Plataea, the Hellenes having by this time grown 
much more numerous and Mardonius being greatly vexed at the 
delay of action, then Mardonius the son of Gobryas and Arta- 
bazus the son of Pharnaces, who was esteemed by Xerxes as few 
of the Persians were besides, came to speech with one another; 
and as they conferred, the opinions which they expressed were 
these, — that of Artabazus, that they must put the whole army 
in motion as soon as possible and go to the wall of the Thebans, 
whither great stores of corn had been brought in for them and fod- 
der for their beasts; and that they should settle there quietly and 
get their business done as follows: they had, he said, great 
quantities of gold, both coined and uncoined, and also of silver 
and of drinking-cups ; and these he advised that they should send 
about to the Hellenes without any stint, more especially to those 
of the Hellenes who were leaders in their several cities ; and these, 
he said, would speedily deliver up their freedom : and he advised 
that they should not run the risk of a battle. His opinion then was 
the same as that of the Thebans, for he as well as they had some 
true foresight : but the opinion of Mardonius was more vehem_ent 
and more obstinate, and he was by no means disposed to yield; 
for he said that he thought their army far superior to that of 
the Hellenes, and he gave as his opinion that they should engage 
battle as quickly as possible and not allow them to assemble in still 
greater numbers than were already assembled; and as for the 
sacrifices of Hegesistratus, they should leave them alone and not 
endeavor to force a good sign, but follow the custom of the 
Persians and engage battle. 

When he so expressed his judgment, none opposed him, and 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 129 

thus his opinion prevailed; for he and not Artabazus had the 
command of the army given him by the king. He summoned 
therefore the commanders of the divisions and the generals of 
those Hellenes who were with him, and asked whether they knew 
of any oracle regarding the Persians, which said that they should 
be destroyed in Hellas; and when those summoned to council 
were silent, some not knowing the oracles and others knowing them 
but not esteeming it safe to speak, Mardonius himself said : ''Since 
then ye either know nothing or do not venture to speak, I will tell 
you, since I know very well. There is an oracle saying that the 
Persians are destined when they come to Hellas to plunder the 
temple at Delphi, and having plundered it to perish every one of 
them. We, therefore, just because we know this, will not go to 
that temple nor will we attempt to plunder it; and for this cause 
we shall not perish. So many of you, therefore, as chance to wish 
well to the Persians, have joy so far as regards this matter, and be 
assured that we shall overcome the Hellenes." Having spoken 
to them thus, he next commanded to prepare everything and to 
set all in order, since at dawn of the next day a battle would be 
fought. 

Now this oracle, which Mardonius said referred to the Per- 
sians, I know for my part was composed with reference to the 
Illyrians and the army of the Enchelians, and not with reference 
to the Persians at all. However, the oracle which was composed 
by Bakis with reference to this battle, — 

The gathering of Hellenes together and cry of barbarian voices, 

Where the Thermodon flows, by the banks of grassy Asopos ; 

Here very many shall fall ere destiny gave them to perish, 

Medes bow -bearing in fight, when the fatal day shall approach them, — 

these sayings, and others like them composed by Musaius, I know 
had reference to the Persians. Now the river Thermodon flows 
between Tanagra and Glisas. 



I30 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

After the inquiry about the oracles and the exhortation 
given by Mardonius, night came on and the guards were set: 
and when night was far advanced, and it seemed that there was 
quiet everywhere in the camps, and that the men were in their 
deepest sleep, then Alexander the son of Amyntas, commander 
and king of the Macedonians, rode his horse up to the guard- 
posts of the Athenians and requested that he might have speech 
with their generals. So while the greater number of the guards 
stayed in their posts, some ran to the generals, and when they 
reached them they said that a man had come riding on a horse 
out of the camp of the Medes, who discovered nothing further, but 
only named the generals and said that he desired to have speech 
with them. 

Having heard this, forthwith they accompanied the men to 
the guard-posts, and when they had arrived there, Alexander thus 
spoke to them: ^^ Athenians, I lay up these words of mine as a 
trust with you, charging you to keep them secret and tell them 
to no one except only to Pausanias, lest ye bring me to ruin : for 
I should not utter them if I did not care greatly for the general 
safety of Hellas, seeing that I am a Hellene myself by original 
descent and I should not wish to see Hellas enslaved instead of 
free. I say then that Mardonius and his army cannot get the offer- 
ings to be according to their mind, for otherwise ye would long ago 
have fought. Now, however, he has resolved to let the offerings 
alone and to bring on a battle at dawn of day; for, as I conjecture, 
he fears lest ye should assemble in greater numbers. Therefore 
prepare yourselves; and if after all Mardonius should put off the 
battle and not bring it on, stay where ye are and hold out patiently; 
for they have provisions only for a few days remaining. And if 
this war shall have its issue according to your mind, then each one 
of you ought to remember me also concerning liberation, since I 
have done for the sake of the Hellenes so hazardous a deed by 
reason of my zeal for you, desiring to show you the design of Mar- 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 131 

donius, in order that the barbarians may not fall upon you when 
ye are not as yet expecting them: and I am Alexander the Mace- 
donian/' Thus having spoken he rode away back to the camp 
and to his own position. 

Then the generals of the Athenians came to the right wing 
and told Pausanias that which they had heard from Alexander. 
Upon this saying he being struck with fear of the Persians spoke 
as follows: ''Since then at dawn the battle comes on, it is right 
that ye, Athenians, should take your stand opposite to the Per- 
sians, and we opposite to the Boeotians and those Hellenes who are 
now posted against you; and for this reason, namely because ye 
are acquainted with the Medes and with their manner of fighting, 
having fought with them at Marathon, whereas we have had no 
experience of these men and are without knowledge of them; for 
not one of the Spartans has made trial of the Medes in fight, but 
of the Boeotians and Thessahans we have had experience. It is 
right therefore that ye should take up your arms and come to this 
wing of the army, and that we should go to the left wing.'' In 
answer to this the Athenians spoke as follows: ''To ourselves, 
also, long ago at the very first, when we saw that the Persians were 
being ranged opposite to you, it occurred to say these very things, 
which ye now bring forward before we have uttered them; but 
we feared lest these words might not be pleasing to you. Since, 
however, ye yourselves have made mention of this, know that your 
words have caused us pleasure, and that we are ready to do this 
which ye say." 

Both then were content to do this, and as dawn appeared 
they began to change their positions with one another: and the 
Boeotians perceiving that which was being done reported it to 
Mardonius, who, when he heard it, forthwith himself also endeav- 
ored to change positions, bringing the Persians along so as to be 
against the Lacedemonians : and when Pausanias learnt that this 
was being so done, he perceived that he was not unobserved, and 



132 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

he led the Spartans back again to the right wing; and just so also 
did Mardonius upon his left. . . . 

Then Mardonius, when he was informed that the Hellenes 
had departed during the night, and when he saw their place de- 
serted, called Thorax of Larissa and his brothers Eurypylus and 
Thrasydeius, and said : "Sons of Aleuas, will ye yet say anything 
now that ye see these places deserted? For ye who dwell near 
them were w^ont to say that the Lacedemonians did not fly from a 
battle, but were men unsurpassed in war; and these men ye not 
only saw before this changing from their post, but now we all of 
us see that they have run aw^ay during the past night; and by 
this they showed clearly, when the time came for them to contend 
in battle w^th those who were in truth the best of all men, that after 
all they were men of no worth, who had been making a display of 
valor among Hellenes, a w^orthless race. As for you, since ye had * 
had no experience of the Persians, I for my part was very ready 
to excuse you when ye praised these, of w^hom after all ye knew 
something good; but much more I marvelled at Artabazus that 
he should have been afraid of the Lacedemonians, and that having 
been afraid he should have uttered that most cowardly opinion, 
namely that we ought to move our army away and go to the city 
of the Thebans to be besieged there, — an opinion about which 
the king shall yet be informed by me. Of these things we will speak 
in another place; now however we must not allow them to act 
thus, but we must pursue them until they are caught and pay 
the penalty to us for all that they did to the Persians in time 
past.'' . . . 

These then perished thus ingloriously ; and meanw^hile the 
Persians and the rest of the throng, having fled for refuge to the 
pahsade, succeeded in getting up to the towers before the Lace- 
demonians came; and having got up they strengthened the wall 
of defence as best they could. Then when the Lacedemonians 
came up to attack it, there began between them a vigorous fight 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 133 

for the wall : for so long as the Athenians were away, they defended 
themselves and had much the advantage over the Lacedemonians, 
since these did not understand the art of fighting against walls; 
but when the Athenians came up to help them, then there was a 
fierce fight for the wall, lasting for a long time, and at length by 
valor and endurance the Athenians mounted up on the wall and 
made a breach in it, through which the Hellenes poured in. Now 
the Tegeans were the first w^ho entered the wall, and these were 
they w^ho plundered the tent of Mardonius, taking, besides the 
other things which were in it, also the manger of his horse, which 
was all of bronze and a sight worth seeing. This manger of Mar- 
dojiius w^as dedicated by the Tegeans as an offering in the temple 
of Athene Alea, but all the other things which they took, they 
brought to the common stock of the Hellenes. The barbarians, 
how^ever, after the wall had been captured, no longer formed them- 
selves into any close body, nor did any of them think of making 
resistance, but they w^ere utterly at a loss, as you might expect 
from men who were in a panic with many myriads of them shut 
up together in a small space : and the Hellenes were able to slaugh- 
ter them so that out of an army of thirty myriads, if those' four be 
subtracted which Artabazus took with him in his flight, of the 
remainder not three thousand men survived. Of the Lacede- 
monians from Sparta there were slain in the battle ninety-one in all, 
of the Tegeans sixteen, and of the Athenians two-and-fifty. . . . 

He having heard this went his way; and Pausanias made a 
proclamation that none should lay hands upon the spoil, and he 
ordered the helots to collect the things together. They accordingly 
dispersed themselves about the camp and found tents furnished 
with gold and silver, and beds overlaid with gold and overlaid w^ith 
silver, and mixing-bowls of gold, and cups and other drinking ves- 
sels. They found also sacks laid upon wagons, in which there 
proved to be caldrons both of gold and of silver; and from the 
dead bodies which lay there they stripped bracelets and collars, 



134 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

and also their swords if they were of gold, for as to embroidered 
raiment, there w^as no account made of it. Then the helots stole 
many of the things and sold them to the Eginetans, but many 
things also they delivered up, as many of them as they could not 
conceal ; so that the great wealth of the Eginetans first came from 
this, that they bought the gold from the helots making pretence 
that it was brass. 

Then having brought the things together, and having set 
apart a tithe for the god at Delphi, with which the offering was dedi- 
cated of the golden tripod which rests upon the three-headed ser- 
pent of bronze and stands close by the altar, and also for the god at 
Olympia, with w^hich they dedicated the offering of a bronze statue 
of Zeus ten cubits high, and finally for the god at the Isthmus, 
with which was made a bronze statue of Poseidon seven cubits 
high, — having set apart these things, they divided the rest, and 
each took that w^hich they ought to have, including the concubines 
of the Persians and the gold and the silver and the other things, 
and also the beasts of burden. How^ much was set apart and given 
to those of them who had proved themselves the best men at Plataea 
is not reported by any, though for my part I suppose that gifts 
were made to these also; Pausanias, however, had ten of each 
thing set apart and given to him, that is women, horses, talents, 
camels, and so also of the other things. 

It is said, moreover, that this w^as done which here follow^s, 
namely that Xerxes in his flight from Hellas had left to Mardonius 
the furniture of his own tent, and Pausanias accordingly seeing the 
furniture of Mardonius furnished with gold and silver and hangings 
of different colors, ordered the bakers and the cooks to prepare a 
meal as they were used to do for Mardonius. Then when they 
did this as they had been commanded, it is said that Pausanias 
seeing the couches of gold and of silver with luxurious coverings, 
and the tables of gold and of silver, and the magnificent apparatus 
of the feast, w^as astonished at the good things set before him, and 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 135 

for sport he ordered his own servants to prepare a Laconian meal; 
and as, when the banquet was served, the difference between the 
two was great, Pausanias laughed and sent for the commanders 
of the Hellenes; and when these had come together, Pausanias 
said, pointing to the preparation of the two meals severally: ^^ Hel- 
lenes, for this reason I assembled you together, because I desired 
to show you the senselessness of this leader of the Medes, who, 
having such fare as this, came to us who have such sorry fare as 
ye see here, in order to take it away from us." Thus it is said that 
Pausanias spoke to the commanders of the Hellenes. 

However, in later time after these events many of the Pla- 
taeans, also, found chests of gold and of silver and of other treas- 
ures; and, moreover, afterwards this which follows was seen in 
the case of the dead bodies here, after the flesh had been stripped 
off from the bones ; for the Plataeans brought together the bones all 
to one place : there was found, I say, a skull with no suture but 
all of one bone, and there was seen also a jaw-bone, that is to say 
the upper part of the jaw, which had teeth joined together and all 
of one bone, both the teeth that bite and those that grind; and the 
bones were seen, also, of a man five cubits high. 

The body of Mardonius, however, had disappeared on the 
day after the battle, taken by whom I am not able with certainty 
to say, but I have heard the names of many men of various cities 
who are said to have buried Mardonius, and I know that many 
received gifts from Artontes the son of Mardonius for having done 
this: who he was, however, who took up and buried the body 
of Mardonius, I am not able for certain to discover, but Diony- 
sophanes an Ephesian is reported with some show of reason to 
have been he who buried Mardonius. 

He, then, was buried in some such manner as this: and the 
Hellenes when they had divided the spoil at Plataea proceeded to 
bury their dead, each nation apart by themselves. The Spartans 
made for themselves three several burial-places, one in which they 



136 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

buried the younger Spartans, of whom also were Poseidonius, 
Amompharetus, Philokyon, and CalHcrates, — in one of the 
graves, I say, were laid the younger men, in the second the rest 
of the Spartans, and in the third the helots. These, then, thus 
buried their dead; but the Tegeans buried theirs all together in 
a place apart from these, and the Athenians theirs together; and 
the Megarians and Phliasians those who had been slain by the 
cavalry. Of all these the burial-places had bodies laid in them, 
but as to the burial-places of other states which are to be seen at 
Plataea, these, as I am informed, are all mere mounds of earth 
w^ithout any bodies in them, raised by the several peoples on ac- 
count of posterity, because they were ashamed of their absence 
from the fight; for among others there is one there called the 
burial-place of the Eginetans, which I hear was raised at the 
request of the Eginetans by Cleades the son of Autodicus, a man 
of Plataea who was their public guest-friend, no less than ten years 
after these events. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Did Xerxes give up the idea of conquering the Greeks after Sala- 
mis? 2. Were the Persians disheartened by their previous defeats? 
3. What kind of a man does Mardonius appear to have been ? 4. Is 
there anything definite in the predictions of the oracles ? 5. How much 
is probably true in the incident of Alexander the Macedonian ? 6. Can 
we feel certain that he used just the language recorded by Herodotus? 
7. What do you say to the statement attributed to Pausanias concern 
ing the Athenians? 8. Were the Persians, according to Herodotus' 
account, afraid of the Spartans ? 9. What proof do you find in the ex- 
tracts of the wealth of the Persian commanders? 10. What did the 
Greeks do with the booty? 11. What do you think of the story concern- 
ing Pausanias and the two meals? 12. How did Herodotus get the 
most of his information about the Persian wars? 13. Did he get his 
information about the battle of Plataea from Persians, Spartans, or 
Athenians? 14. Why could he not find out with certainty who buried 
Mardonius? 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 137 

5. Mycale 

Herodotus, IX, 96-104 

I. Now when the sacrifices were favorable to the Hellenes, 
they put their ships to sea from Delos to go to Samos ; and having 
arrived off Calamisa in Samos, they moored their ships there oppo- 
site the temple of Hera which is at this place, and made prepara- 
tions for a sea-fight ; but the Persians, being informed that they 
were sailing thither, put out to sea also and went over to the main- 
land with their remaining ships (those of the Phoenicians having 
been already sent away to sail home) : for deliberating of the 
matter they thought it good not to fight a battle by sea, since they 
did not think that they were a match for the enemy. And they 
sailed aw^ay to the mainland in order that they might be under the 
protection of their land-army which was in Mycale, a body which 
had stayed behind the rest of the army by command of Xerxes and 
was keeping watch over Ionia : of this the number was six myriads 
and the commander of it was Tigranes, who in beauty and stature 
excelled the other Persians. The commanders of the fleet then 
had determined to take refuge under the protection of this army, 
and to draw up their ships on shore and put an enclosure round as 
a protection for the ships and a refuge for themselves. 

Having thus determined they began to put out to sea; and 
they came along by the temple of the ''revered goddesses" to the 
Gaison and to Scolopoeis in Mycale, where there is a temple of the 
Eleusinian Demeter, which Philistus, the son of Pasicles, erected 
when he had accompanied Neileus the son of Codrus for the 
founding of Miletus ; and there they drew up their ships on shore 
and put an enclosure round them of stones and timber, cutting 
down fruit-trees for this purpose, and they fixed stakes round the 
enclosure and made their preparations either for being besieged 
or for gaining a victory, for in making their preparations they 
reckoned for both chances. 



138 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

The Hellenes, however, when they were informed that the 
barbarians had gone away to the mainland, were vexed because 
they thought that they had escaped ; and they were in a difficulty 
what they should do, whether they should go back home, or sail 
down towards the Hellespont. At last they resolved to do neither 
of these two things, but to sail on to the mainland. Therefore 
when they had prepared as for a sea-fight both boarding-bridges 
and all other things that were required, they sailed toward Mycale ; 
and when they came near to the camp and no one was seen to put 
out against them, but they perceived ships drawn up within the 
w^all and a large land-army ranged along the shore, then first 
Leotychides, sailing along in his ship and coming as near to the 
shore as he could, made proclamation by a herald to the lonians, 
saying: ^'lonians, those of you who chance to be within hearing 
of me, attend to this which I say : for the Persians will not under- 
stand anything at all of that which I enjoin to you. When we 
join battle, each one of you must remember first the freedom of all, 
and the w^atchword ^Hebe'; and this let him, also, w^ho has not 
heard know from him who has heard." The design in this act 
was the same as that of Themistocles at Artemision; for it was 
meant that either the words uttered should escape the knowledge 
of the barbarians and persuade the lonians, or that they should be 
reported afterwards to the barbarians and make them distrustful 
of the Hellenes. 

After Leotychides had thus suggested, then next the Hellenes 
proceeded to bring their ships up to land, and they disem- 
barked upon the shore. These, then, were ranging themselves 
for fight; and the Persians, when they saw the Hellenes preparing 
for battle and also that they had given exhortation to the lonians, 
in the first place deprived the Samians of their arms, suspecting 
that they were inclined to the side of the Hellenes ; for when the 
Athenian prisoners, the men whom the army of Xerxes had found 
left behind in Attica, had come in the ships of the barbarians, the 




Fig. io. Northwest Corner of the Parthenon 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 139 

Samians had ransomed all these and sent them back to Athens, 
supplying them with means for their journey ; and for this reason 
especially they were suspected, since they had ransomed five hun- 
dred persons of the enemies of Xerxes. Then secondly the Per- 
sians appointed the Milesians to guard the passes which lead to 
the summits of Mycale, on the pretext that they knew the country 
best, but their true reason for doing this was that they might be 
out of camp. Against these of the lonians, who, as they suspected, 
would make some hostile move if they found the occasion, the 
Persians sought to secure themselves in the manner mentioned ; 
and they themselves then brought together their wicker-work 
shields to serve them as a fence. 

Then when the Hellenes had made all their preparations, 
they proceeded to the attack of the barbarians ; and as they went, 
a rumor came suddenly to their whole army, and at the same time 
a herald's staff was found lying upon the beach; and the rumor 
went through their army to this effect, namely that the Hellenes 
were fighting in Boeotia and conquering the army of Mardonius. 
Now by many signs is the divine power seen in earthly things, 
and by this among others, namely that now, when the day of the 
defeat at Plataea and of that which was about to take place at 
Mycale happened to be the same, a rumor came to the Hellenes 
here, so that the army was encouraged much more and was more 
eagerly desirous to face the danger. 

Moreover this other thing by coincidence happened besides, 
namely that there was a sacred enclosure of the Eleusinian De- 
meter close by the side of both the battle-fields; for not only in 
the Plataean land did the fight take place close by the side of the 
temple of Demeter, as I have before said, but also in Mycale it 
was to be so hkewise. And whereas the rumor w^hich came to 
them said that a victory had been already gained by the Hellenes 
with Pausanias, this proved to be a true report ; for that which was 
done at Plataea came about while it was yet early morning, but the 



I40 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

fighting at Mycale took place in the afternoon ; and that it hap- 
pened on the same day of the same month as the other became 
evident to them not long afterwards, when they inquired into the 
matter. Now they had been afraid before the rumor arrived, not 
for themselves so much as for the Hellenes generally, lest Hellas 
should stumble and fall over Mardonius ; but when this report had 
come suddenly to them, they advanced on the enemy much more 
vigorously and swiftly than before. The Hellenes then and the 
barbarians were going w^ith eagerness into the battle, since both 
the islands and the Hellespont were placed before them as prizes 
of the contest. 

Now^ for the Athenians and those who w^ere ranged next to 
them, to the number perhaps of half the whole army, the road 
lay along the sea-beach and over level ground, while the Lacede- 
monians and those ranged in order by these were compelled to go 
by a ravine and along the mountain side: so while the Lacede- 
monians were yet going round, those upon the other wdng were al- 
ready beginning the fight ; and as long at the wicker-work shields 
of the Persians still remained upright, they continued to defend 
themselves and had rather the advantage in the fight; but w^hen 
the troops of the Athenians and of those ranged next to them, de- 
siring that the achievement should belong to them and not to the 
Lacedemonians, w^ith exhortations to one another set themselves 
more vigorously to the work, then from that time forth the fortune 
of the fight was changed ; for these pushed aside the wicker-work 
shields and fell upon the Persians with a rush all in one body, and 
the Persians sustained their first attack and continued to defend 
themselves for a long time, but at last they fled to the wall; and 
the Athenians, Corinthians, Sikyonians and Troizenians, for that 
was the order in which they were ranged, followed close after them 
and rushed in together with them to the space within the wall : and 
when the wall too had been captured, then the barbarians no 
longer betook themselves to resistance, but began at once to take 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 141 

flight, excepting only the Persians, who formed into small groups 
and continued to fight with the Hellenes as they rushed in within 
the wall. Of the commanders of the Persians two made their 
escape and two were slain ; Artayntes and Ithamitres commanders 
of the fleet escaped, while Mardontes and the commander of the 
land-army, Tigranes, were slain. 

Now while the Persians were still fighting, the Lacede- 
monians and those with them arrived, and joined in carrying 
through the rest of the work ; and of the Hellenes themselves many 
fell there and especially many of the Sikyonians, together with their 
commander Perilaos. And those of the Samians who were serving 
in the army, being in the camp of the Medes and having been 
deprived of their arms, when they saw that from the very first the 
battle began to be doubtful, did as much as they could, endeav- 
oring to give assistance to the Hellenes; and the other lonians 
seeing that the Samians had set the example, themselves also upon 
that made revolt from the Persians and attacked the barbarians. 

The Milesians too had been appointed to watch the passes 
of the Persians in order to secure their safety, so that if that should 
after all come upon them which actually came, they might have 
guides and so get safe away to the summits of Mycale, — the Mile- 
sians, I say, had been appointed to do this, not only for that end 
but also for fear that, if they were present in the camp, they might 
make some hostile move : but they did in fact the opposite of that 
which they were appointed to do ; for they not only directed them 
in the flight by other than the right paths, by paths indeed which 
led towards the enemy, but also at last they themselves became 
their worst foes and began to slay them. Thus then for the second 
time Ionia revolted from the Persians. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Was it possible for the Greeks fighting, at Mycale to know on the 
same day of the victory at Plataea? 2. How could Herodotus believe 



142 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

such a thing possible? 3. Would it be possible to-day for armies so 
far apart to be informed within a few hours of each other's doings? 
4. Was the battle of Mycale a naval battle? 5. Give a brief outHne of 
the battle. 6. Is it probable that the Persians did not understand 
Greek? 7. Were the Persians good fighters? 8. Who did the best 
work among the Greeks? 9. Where did Herodotus probably obtain 
his information about the battle ? 

B. The War with Carthage 

Herodotus, VII, 165-167 

I. The story which here follows is also reported by those who 
dwell in Sicily, namely that, even though he was to be under the 
command of the Lacedemonians, Gelon would have come to the 
assistance of the Hellenes, but that Terillos, the son of Crinippos 
and despot of Himera, having been driven out of Himera by 
Theron the son of Ainesidemos the ruler of the Agrigentines, 
was just at this very time bringing in an army of Phoenicians, Lib- 
yans, Iberians, Ligurians, Elisycans, Sardinians, and Corsicans, 
to the number of thirty myriads, with Amilcas the son of Annon 
king of the Carthaginians as their commander, whom Terillos had 
persuaded partly by reason of his own guest-friendship, and espe- 
cially by the zealous assistance of Anaxilaos the son of Cretines, 
w^ho was despot of Rhegion, and who to help his father-in-law en- 
deavored to bring in Amilcas to Sicily, and had given him his 
sons as hostages; for Anaxilaos was married to the daughter of 
Terillos, w^hose name was Kydippe. Thus it was, they say, that 
Gelon was not able to come to the assistance of the Hellenes, and 
sent therefore the money to Delphi. 

In addition to this they report also that, as it happened, 
Gelon and Theron were victorious over Amilcas the Carthaginian 
on the very same day when the Hellenes were victorious at Salamis 
over the Persian. And this Amilcas, who was a Carthaginian on 
the father's side but on the mother's a Syracusan, and who had 



WARS WITH PERSIANS AND CARTHAGINIANS 143 

become king of the Carthaginians by merit, when the engagement 
took place and he was being worsted in the battle, disappeared, as 
I am informed ; for neither aHve nor dead did he appear again 
anywhere upon the earth, though Gelon used all diligence in the 
search for him. 

Moreover there is also this story reported by the Cartha- 
ginians themselves, who therein relate that which is probable in 
itself, namely that while the barbarians fought with the Hellenes 
in Sicily from the early morning till late in the afternoon (for to 
such a length the combat is said to have been protracted), during 
this time Amilcas was remaining in the camp and was making 
sacrifices to get good omens of success, offering whole bodies of 
victims upon a great pyre : and when he saw that there was a rout 
of his own army, he being then, as it chanced, in the act of pouring 
a libation over the victims, threw himself into the fire, and thus he 
was burnt up and disappeared. Amilcas then having disappeared, 
whether it was in such a manner as this, as it is reported by the 
Phoenicians, or in some other way, the Carthaginians both offer 
sacrifices to him now, and also they made memorials of him then 
in all the cities of their colonies, and the greatest in Carthage itself. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Were the Greeks of the west, in Sicily, in sympathy with the 
Greeks of the east in this struggle against the Persians ? 2. Why did they 
not aid them? 3. Who were the enemies of the Greeks in the west? 
4. What were the Greeks of Sicily fighting for? 5. What was the result 
of the struggle? 6. Does the information of Herodotus concerning 
the war in the west seem definite and reliable? 



VI. THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 

A. The Confederacy of Delos 
a. The Rebuilding of Athens 

Thucydides, I, 89-93 

I. How the Athenians attained the position in which they 
rose to greatness I will now proceed to describe. When the Per- 
sians, defeated by the Hellenes on sea and land, had retreated from 
Europe, and the remnant of the fleet, which had taken refuge at 
Mycale, had there perished, Leotychides, the Lacedemonian king, 
who had commanded the Hellenes in the battle, returned home 
with the allies from Peloponnesus. But the Athenians and their 
allies from Ionia and the Hellespont, who had now revolted from 
the king, persevered and besieged Sestos, at that time still in the 
hands of the Persians. Remaining there through the winter they 
took the place, which the barbarians deserted. The alhes then 
sailed back from the Hellespont to their respective homes. Mean- 
while the Athenian people, now quit of the barbarians, fetched their 
wives, their children, and the remains of their property from the 
places in which they had been deposited, and set to work, rebuild- 
ing the city and the walls. Of the old Kne of wall but a small part 
was left standing. Most of the houses were in ruins, a few only 
remaining in which the chief men of the Persians had lodged. 

The Lacedemonians knew what would happen and sent an 
embassy to Athens. They would rather themselves have seen 
neither the Athenians nor any one else protected by a wall; but 
their main motive was the importunity of their alhes, who dreaded 
not only the Athenian navy, which had until lately been quite 
small, but also the spirit which had animated them in the Persian 

144 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 145 

war. So the Lacedemonians requested them not to restore their 
walls, but on the contrary to join with them in razing the fortifica- 
tions of other towns outside the Peloponnesus which had them 
standing. They did not reveal their real wishes or the suspicion 
w^hich they entertained of the Athenians, but argued that the bar- 
barian, if he again attacked them, would then have no strong 
place w^hich he could make his headquarters as he had lately made 
Thebes. Peloponnesus would be a sufficient retreat for all Hellas 
and a good base of operations. To this the Athenians, by the 
advice of Themistocles, replied, that they would send an embassy 
of their own to discuss the matter, and so get rid of the Spartan 
envoys. He then proposed that he should himself start at once for 
Sparta, and that they should give him colleagues who were not to 
go immediately, but were to wait until the wall reached the lowest 
height which could possibly be defended. The whole people w^ho 
were in the city, men, women, and children, should join in the 
work and they must spare no building, private or pubKc, which 
could be of use, but demolish them all. Having given these in- 
structions and intimated that he would manage affairs at Sparta, he 
departed. On his arrival, he did not at once present himself offi- 
cially to the magistrates, but delayed and made excuses ; and when 
any of them asked him '^why he did not appear before the assem- 
bly," he said ''that he w^as waiting for his colleagues, who had been 
detained by some engagement ; he was daily expecting them, and 
wondered that they had not appeared." 

The friendship of the Lacedemonian magistrates for Themis- 
tocles induced them to beHeve him; but when everybody who 
came from Athens declared positively that the wall was building 
and had already reached a considerable height, they knew not what 
to think. He, aware of their suspicions, desired them not to be 
misled by reports, but to send to Athens men whom they could trust 
out of their own number who would see for themselves and bring 
back word. They agreed; and he at the same time privately 



146 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

instructed the Athenians to detain the envoys as quietly as they 
could, and not let them go until he and his colleagues had got safely 
home. For by this time Habronichus the son of Lysicles, and 
Aristides the son of Lysimachus, who were joined with him in the 
embassy, had arrived, bringing the news that the wall was of suffi- 
cient height; and he was afraid that the Lacedemonians, when 
they heard the truth, might not allow them to return. So the 
Athenians detained the envoys, and Themistocles, coming before 
the Lacedemonians, at length declared in so many words that 
Athens was now provided with walls and could protect her citi- 
zens; henceforward, if the Lacedemonians or their allies wished 
at any time to negotiate, they must deal with the Athenians as 
with men who knew quite well what was for their own and the 
common good. When they boldly resolved to leave their city 
and go on board ship, they did not first ask the advice of the Lace- 
demonians, and, when the two states met in council, their own 
judgment had been as good as that of any one. And now they 
had arrived at an independent opinion that it was better far, and 
would be more advantageous both for themselves and for the 
whole body of the allies, that their city should have a wall; when 
any member of a confederacy had not equal military advantages, 
his counsel could not be of equal weight or worth. Either all the 
allies should pull down their walls, or they should acknowledge 
that the Athenians were in the right. 

On hearing these words, the Lacedemonians did not openly 
quarrel with the Athenians ; for they professed that the embassy 
had been designed, not to interfere with them, but to offer a sug- 
gestion for the public good ; besides at that time the patriotism 
which the Athenians had displayed in the Persian war had created 
a warm feeling of friendhness between the two cities. They were 
annoyed at the failure of their purpose, but they did not show it. 
And the envoys on either side returned home without any formal 
complaint. 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 147 

In such hurried fashion did the Athenians build the walls 
of their city. To this day, the structure shows evidence of haste. 
The foundations are made up of all sorts of stones, in some places 
unwrought, and laid just as each worker brought them; there 
were many columns too, taken from sepulchres, and many old stones 
already cut, inserted in the work. The circuit of the city was 
extended in every direction, and the citizens, in their ardor to 
complete the design, spared nothing. 

Themistocles also persuaded the Athenians to finish the Pi- 
raeus, of which he had made a beginning in his year of office as 
archon. The situation of the place, which had three natural 
havens, was excellent; and now that the Athenians had become 
seamen, he thought that they had great advantage for the attain- 
ment of empire. For he first dared to say that '^they must make 
the sea their domain," and he lost no time in la vino; the foundations 
of their empire. By his advice, they built the w^all of such a 
width that two wagons carrying the stones could meet and pass on 
the top ; this width may still be traced at the Piraeus ; inside there 
was no rubble or mortar, but the whole wall was made up of large 
stones hewn square, which were clamped on the outer face with 
iron and lead. The height was not more than half what he had 
originally intended ; he had hoped by the very dimensions of the 
wall to paralyze the designs of an enemy, and he thought that a 
handful of the least efficient citizens would suffice for its defence, 
while the rest might man the fleet. His mind was turned in this 
direction, as I conceive, from observing that the king's armament 
had met with fewer obstacles by sea than by land. The Piraeus 
appeared to him to be of more real consequence than the upper 
city. He was fond of telling the Athenians that if ever they were 
hard pressed on land they should go down to the Piraeus and fight 
the world at sea. 

Thus the Athenians built their walls and restored their city 
immediatelv after the retreat of the Persians. 



148 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

QUESTIONS 

I. Why was it important for the Greeks that the Persians should be 
driven from Sestos? 2. In the closing act of the war, as related in the 
extract, what state acted as the leader of the Greeks? 3. What was 
the attitude of Sparta toward the rebuilding of the walls of Athens? 
4. Why did it take this attitude? 5. How did Athens rebuild its walls 
in spite of Sparta? 6. What do you think of the methods employed 
by Themistocles ? 7. Describe the policy that Themistocles wished the 
Athenian state to follow and what steps were taken to realize that policy. 
8. Where did Thucydides get his information about the rebuilding of 
Athens? 9. Is it valuable? 

b. Formation of the Confederacy 

Thucydides, I, 94-102 

I. Pausanias the son of Cleombrotus was now sent from Pelo- 
ponnesus with twenty ships in command of the Hellenic forces; 
thirty Athenian ships and a number of the allies sailed with him. 
They first made an expedition against Cyprus of which they sub- 
dued the greater part ; and afterw^ards against Byzantium, which 
was in the hands of the Persians, and was taken while he was still 
in command. 

He had already begun to be oppressive, and the allies were 
offended with him, especially the lonians and others who had been 
recently emancipated from the king. So they had recourse to their 
kinsmen the Athenians and begged them to be their leaders, and 
to protect them against Pausanias, if he attempted to oppress them. 
The Athenians took the matter up and prepared to interfere, being 
fully resolved to manage the confederacy in their own w^ay. In 
the meantime the Lacedemonians summoned Pausanias to Sparta, 
intending to investigate certain reports which had reached them; 
for he was accused of numerous crimes by Hellenes returning 
from the Hellespont, and appeared to exercise his command more 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 149 

after the fashion of a tyrant than of a general. His recall occurred 
at the very time when the hatred which he inspired had induced 
the aUies, with the exception of the Peloponnesians, to transfer 
themselves to the Athenians. On arriving at Lacedemon he was 
punished for the wrongs which he had done to particular persons, 
but he had been also accused of conspiring with the Persians, and 
of this, which was the principal charge and was generally believed 
to be proven, he was acquitted. The government, how^ever, did 
not continue him in his command, but sent in his place Dorcis 
and certain others with a small force. To these the allies refused 
allegiance, and Dorcis, seeing the state of affairs, returned home. 
Henceforth the Lacedemonians sent out no more commanders, 
for they were afraid that those whom they appointed w^ould be 
corrupted, as they had found to be the case with Pausanias ; they 
had had enough of the Persian war; and they thought that the 
Athenians were fully able to lead, and at that time believed them 
to be their friends. 

Thus the Athenians by the good-will of the aUies, who de- 
tested Pausanias, obtained the leadership. They immediately 
fixed which of the cities should supply money and which of them 
ships for the war against the barbarians, the avowed object being 
to compensate hemselves and the allies for their losses by 
devastating the king's country. Then was first instituted at 
Athens the office of Hellenic treasurers (Hellenotamiae), who 
received the tribute, for so the contributions wxre termed. The 
amount was originally fixed at 460 talents. The island of Delos 
was the treasury, and the meetings of the allies were held in the 
temple. 

At first the allies were independent and deliberated in a 
common assembly under the leadership of Athens. But in the 
interval between the Persian and the Peloponnesian wars, by their 
military success and by policy in dealing with the barbarian, with 
their own rebellious allies and with the Peloponnesians who came 



I50 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

across their path from time to time, the Athenians made immense 
strides in power. I have gone out of my way to speak of this 
period because the writers who have preceded me treat either of 
Hellenic affairs previous to the Persian invasion or of that invasion 
itself; the intervening portion of history has been omitted by all 
of them, with the exception of Hellanicus; and he, where he has 
touched upon it in his Attic history, is very brief, and inaccurate 
in his chronology. The narrative will also serve to explain how 
the Athenian empire grew up. 

First of all under the leadership of Cimon, the son of Mil- 
tiades, the Athenians besieged and took Eion upon the Strymon, 
then in the hands of the Persians, and sold the inhabitants into 
slavery. The same fate befell Scyros, an island in the ^^gean 
inhabited by Dolopes ; this they colonized themselves. They also 
made war on the Carystians of Euboea, who, after a time, capitu- 
lated; the other Euboeans took no part in the war. Then the 
Naxians revolted, and the Athenians made war against them and 
reduced them by blockade. This was the first of the allied cities 
which was enslaved contrary to Hellenic right; the turn of the 
others came later. 

The causes which led to the defections of the allies were of 
different kinds, the principal being their neglect to pay the tribute 
or to furnish ships, and, in some cases, failure of mihtary service. 
For the Athenians were exacting and oppressive, using coercive 
measures towards men who were neither willing nor accustomed 
to work hard. And for various reasons they soon began to prove 
less agreeable leaders than at first. They no longer fought upon 
an equality with the rest of the confederates, and they had no 
difficulty in reducing them when they revolted. Now the allies 
brought all this upon themselves; for the majority of them dis- 
liked military service and absence from home, and so they agreed 
to contribute their share of the expense instead of ships. Whereby 
the Athenian navy was proportionally increased, while they them- 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 151 

selves were always untrained and unprepared for war when they 
revolted. 

A little, later the Athenians and their allies fought two battles, 
one by land and the other by sea, against the Persians, at 
the river Eurymedon in Pamphylia. The Athenians, under the 
command of Cimon the son of Miltiades, on the same day con- 
quered in both, and took and destroyed all the Phoenician triremes 
numbering two hundred. After a while the Thasians revolted; 
a quarrel had arisen between them and the Athenians about the 
Thracian markets and the mine on the Thracian coast opposite, 
of which the Thasians received the profits. The Athenians sailed 
to Thasos and, gaining a victory at sea, landed upon the island. 
About the same time they sent ten thousand of their own people 
and of their alHes to the Strymon, intending to colonize the place 
then called the Nine Ways and now Amphipolis. They gained 
possession of the Nine Ways, which were inhabited by the Edoni, 
but, advancing into the interior of Thrace, they were destroyed 
at Drabescus in Edonia by the united Thracians, whose country 
was threatened by the new settlement. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was the object of the offensive policy of the Greeks after 
the Persians had been defeated at Plataea and Mycale? 2. Why did 
the Spartans .command the allies at first in the offensive operations ? 
3. How did the leadership pass to the Athenians? 4. Why did the 
Spartans not try to retain the leadership of the Greeks? 5. Describe 
the organization of the Confederacy of Delos. 6. Why was it given that 
name? 7. What change gradually took place in the confederacy and 
what was the cause? 8. What methods were employed by the Athe- 
nians in preventing the dissolution of the confederacy? 9. What was 
lost in maintaining unity in this way? 10. Was the change at first 
a change of form or of spirit? 11. What would you call the new 
government ? 



152 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

B. The Athenian Constitution after the Persian Wars 

Aristotle, On the Athenian Constitution, Chs. 23-27 

I . Up to this point had the city progressed by this time in gradual 
growth, the democracy growing with it ; but after the Persian wars 
the council of Areopagus once more developed strength and as- 
sumed the control of the state. It did not acquire this supremacy 
by virtue of any formal decree, but because it had been the cause 
of the battle of Salamis being fought. When the generals were 
utterly at a loss how to meet the crisis and made proclamation that 
every one must see to his own safety, the Areopagus provided a 
donation of money, distributing eight drachmas to each member 
of the ships' crews, and so prevailed on them to go on board. On 
these grounds it obtained a great advance in public estimation; 
and during this period Athens was well administered. At this 
time they devoted themselves to the prosecution of the war and 
were in high repute among the Greeks, and the command by sea 
was conferred upon them, in spite of the opposition of the Lace- 
demonians. The leaders of the people during this period were 
Aristides, son of Lysimachus, and Themistocles, son of Neocles, 
of whom the latter devoted himself to the conduct of war, while 
the former had the reputation of being a clever statesman and the 
most upright man of his time. Accordingly the one was usually 
employed as general, the other as a political adviser. The re- 
building of the fortifications they conducted in combination, 
although they were political opponents; but it was Aristides who 
guided the public policy in the matter of the defection of the Ionian 
states and the alliance with Sparta, seizing the opportunity afforded 
by the discredit brought upon the Lacedemonians by the miscon- 
duct of Pausanias. It follows that it was he who arranged the 
tribute from the various allied states, which was first instituted 
two years after the battle of Salamis, in the archonship of Timos- 
thenes; and it was he who took the oath of offensive and defen- 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 153 

sive alliance with the lonians, on which occasion they cast the 
masses of iron into the sea. 

After this, seeing the state growing in confidence and much 
wealth accumulated, he advised the people to lay hold of the 
leadership of the league, and to quit the country districts and 
settle in the city. • He pointed out to them that all would be able to 
gain a Hving there, some by service in the army, others in the gar- 
risons, others by taking a part in pubHc affairs; and in this way 
they would secure the leadership. This advice was taken; and 
when the people had assumed the supreme control they proceeded 
to treat their allies in a more imperious fashion, with the excep- 
tion of the Chians, Lesbians, and Samians. These they main- 
tained to protect their empire, leaving their constitutions un- 
touched, and allowing them to retain whatever dominion they then 
possessed. They also secured an ample maintenance for the mass 
of the population in the w^ay which Aristides had pointed out to 
them. Out of the proceeds of the tributes and the taxes and the 
contributions of the alhes more than twenty thousand persons were 
maintained. There were 600 jurymen, 1,600 bowmen, 1,200 
knights, 500 members of the council, 500 guards of the dockyards, 
besides fifty guards in the city. There were some 700 magistrates 
within the city, and some 700 whose jurisdiction lay outside it. 
Further, when they subsequently went to war, there were in addi- 
tion 2,500 heavy-armed troops, twenty guard-ships, and other 
ships which collected the tributes, with crews amounting to 2,000 
men, selected by lot; and besides these there were the persons 
maintained at the Prytaneum, and orphans, and jailers, since 
all these were supported by the state. 

In this way the people earned their liveHhood. The su- 
premacy of the Areopagus lasted, however, for about seventeen 
years after the Persian wars, although gradually decHning. But 
as the strength of the masses increased, Ephialtes, son of Sophoni- 
des, a man with a reputation for incorruptibility and possessing a 



154 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

high pubHc character, who had become the leader of the people, 
made an attack upon that council. First of all he caused the 
destruction of many of its members by bringing actions against 
them with reference to their administration. Then, in the archon- 
ship of Conon, he stripped the council of all the acquired preroga- 
tives from which it derived its guardianship of the constitution, 
and assigned some of them to the council of five hundred, and 
others to the assembly and the law-courts. In this revolution he 
was assisted by Themistocles, who was himself a member of the 
Areopagus, but was expecting to be tried before it on a charge of 
treasonable dealings with Persia. This made him anxious that 
it should be overthrown, and accordingly he warned Ephialtes 
that the council intended to arrest him, while at the same time he 
informed the Areopagites that he would reveal to them certain 
persons who • were conspiring to subvert the constitution. He 
then conducted the representatives delegated by the council to 
the residence of Ephialtes, promising to show them the conspira- 
tors who assembled there, and proceeded to converse with them in 
an earnest manner. Ephialtes, seeing this, was seized with alarm 
and took refuge in suppliant guise at the altar. Every one was 
astounded at the occurrence, and presently, when the council of 
five hundred met, Ephialtes and Themistocles together proceeded 
to denounce the Areopagus to them. This they repeated in similar 
fashion in the assembly, until they succeeded in depriving it of its 
power. Not long afterwards, however, Ephialtes was assassinated 
by Aristodicus of Tanagra. In this way was the council of Are- 
opagus deprived of its guardianship of the state. 

After this revolution the administration of the state became 
more and more lax, in consequence of the eager rivalry of can- 
didates for popular favor. During this period the moderate 
party, as it happened, had no real chief, their leader being Cimon, 
son of Miltiades, who was a comparatively young man, and also 
was late in entering public life; and at the same time the mass 



THE SUPRP:MACY of ATHENS 155 

of the people suffered great losses by war. The soldiers for active 
service were selected at that time from the roll of citizens, and as 
the generals were men of no mihtary experience, who owed their 
position solely to their family standing, it continually happened 
that some two or three thousand of the troops perished on an ex- 
pedition ; and in this way the best men alike of the lower and the 
upper classes were exhausted. The result w^as that in most matters 
of administration less heed was paid to the laws than had formerly 
been the case. No alteration, however, was made in the method 
of election of the nine archons, except that five years after the 
death of Ephialtes it was decided that the candidates to be sub- 
mitted to the lot for that office might be selected from the zeugitae 
as well as from the higher classes. The first archon from that 
class was Mnesitheides ; up to this time all the archons had been 
taken from the pentacosiomedimni and knights, while the zeugitae 
were confined to the ordinary magistracies, save where an evasion 
of the law was overlooked. Four years later, in the archonship of 
Lysicrates, the thirty ''local justices,'' as they were called, were 
reestablished; and two years afterwards, in the archonship of 
Antidotus, in consequence of the great increase in the number of 
citizens, it was resolved,' on the motion of Pericles, that no one 
should be admitted to the franchise who was not of citizen birth 
by both parents. 

After this Pericles assumed the position of popular leader, 
having first distinguished himself while still a young man by prose- 
cuting Cimon on the audit of his official accounts as general. Un- 
der h's auspices the constitution became still more democratic. He 
took away some of the privileges of the Areopagus, and, above all, 
he turned the policy of the state in the direction of naval dominion, 
which caused the masses to acquire confidence in themselves and 
consequently to take the conduct of affairs more and more into 
their own hands. Moreover, forty-eight years after the battle of 
Salamis, in the archonship of Pythodorus, the Peloponnesian war 



156 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

broke out, during which the populace was shut up in the city and 
became accustomed to gain its livelihood by military service, 
and so, partly voluntarily and partly involuntarily determined to 
assume the administration of the state itself. Pericles was also 
the first to institute pay for service in the law-courts, as a bid 
for popular favor to counterbalance the wealth of Cimon. The 
latter, having private possessions of royal splendor, not only per- 
formed the regular public services magnificently, but also main- 
tained a large number of his fellow-demesmen. Any member 
of the deme of Laciadae could go every day to Cimon's house and 
there receive a reasonable provision; and his estate was guarded 
by no fences, so that any one who liked might help himself to the 
fruit from it. Pericles' private property was quite unequal to this 
magnificence, and accordingly he took the advice of Damonides of 
Oia (who was commonly supposed to be the person who prompted 
Pericles in most of his measures, and was therefore subsequently 
ostracized), which was that, as he was beaten in the matter of pri- 
vate possessions, he should make presents to the people from their 
own property; and accordingly he instituted pay for the members 
of the juries. Some persons accuse him of thereby causing a de- 
terioration in the character of the juries, since it was always the 
inferior people who were anxious to submit themselves for selec- 
tion as jurors, rather than the men of better position. Moreover, 
bribery came into existence after this, the first person to introduce 
it being Anytus, after his command at Pylus. He was prosecuted 
by certain individuals on account of his loss of Pylus, but escaped 
by bribing the jury. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was the most important part of the Athenian constitution, 
according to Aristotle, during and for sometime after the Persian wars ? 
2. What connection between this fact and the part played by Themis- 
tocles in the last war? 3. Who were the leading statesmen after the 
wars? 4. What important things did each one accomplish? 5. What 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 157 

methods did they employ ? 6. Make a hst of the constitutional changes 
that were creating a pure democracy in Athens. 7. What were some of 
the bad features of the new society? 8. What is the value of the above 
account that is attributed to Aristotle ? 

C. Athenian Policy towards the Allies 

Xenophon, The Polity of the Athenians, Ch. i 

I. To speak next of the allies, and in reference to the point that 
emissaries from Athens come out, and, according to common opin- 
ion, calumniate and vent their hatred upon the better sort of 
people, this is done on the principle that the ruler cannot help 
being hated by those whom he rules; but that if wealth and re- 
spectability are to wield power in the subject cities, the empire of 
the Athenian people has but a short lease of existence. This ex- 
plains why the better people are punished with infamy, robbed of 
their money, driven from their homes, and put to death, while 
the baser sort are promoted to honor. On the other hand, the 
better Athenians throw their aegis over the better class in the 
allied cities. And why? Because they recognize that it is to the 
interest of their own class at all times to protect the best element 
in the cities. It may be urged that if it comes to strength and 
power the real strength of Athens lies in the capacity of her allies 
to contribute their money quota. But to the democratic mind it 
appears a higher advantage still for the individual Athenian to 
get hold of the wealth of the allies, leaving them only enough to 
live upon and to cultivate their estates, but powerless to harbor 
treacherous designs. 

Again, it is looked upon as a mistaken policy on the part of the 
Athenian democracy to compel her allies to voyage to Athens in 
order to have their cases tried. On the other hand, it is easy to 
reckon up what a number of advantages the Athenian people 
derives from the practice impugned. In the first place, there is 
the steady receipt of salaries throughout the year derived from the 



158 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

court fees. Next, it enables them to manage the affairs of the 
allied states while seated at home without the expense of naval 
expeditions. Thirdly, they thus preserve the partisans of the 
democracy, and ruin her opponents in the law-courts. Whereas, 
supposing the several aUied states tried their cases at home, being 
inspired by hostility to Athens, they would destroy those of their 
own, citizens whose friendship to the Athenian people was most 
marked. But besides all this the democracy derives the follow- 
ing advantages from hearing the cases of her allies in Athens. In 
the first place, the one per cent levied in Piraeus is increased to the 
profit of the state; again, the owner of a lodging-house does better, 
and so, too, the owner of a pair of beasts, or of slaves to be let out 
on hire; again, heralds and criers are a class of people who fare 
better owing to the sojourn of foreigners at Athens. Further still, 
supposing the allies had not to resort to Athens for the hearing of 
cases, only the official representative of the imperial state would 
be held in honor, such as the general, or trierarch, or ambassador. 
Whereas now every single individual among the allies is forced 
to pay flattery to the people of Athens because he knows that he 
must betake himself to Athens and win or lose his case at the bar, 
not of any stray set of judges, but of the sovereign people itself, 
such being the law and custom at Athens. He is compelled to 
behave as a suppliant in the courts of justice, and when some jury- 
man comes into court, to grasp his hand. For this reason, there- 
fore, the allies find themselves more and more in the position of 
slaves to the people of Athens. 

Furthermore, owing to the possession of property beyond the 
limits of Attica, and the exercise of magistracies which take them 
into regions beyond the frontier, they and their attendants have 
insensibly acquired 'the art of navigation. A man who is per- 
petually voyaging is forced to handle the oar, he and his domestic 
alike, and to learn the terms familiar in seamanship. Hence a 
stock of skilful mariners is produced, bred upon a wide experience 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 159 

of voyaging and practice. They have learnt their business, some 
in piloting a small craft, others a merchant vessel, whilst others 
have been drafted off from these for service on a ship-of-war. So 
that the majority of them are able to row the moment they set foot 
on board a vessel, having been in a state of preliminary practice 
all their lives. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What two parties in Athens represented two different policies 
towards the allies? 2. What were these policies? 3. What did the 
Athenians gain from their control of the allies? 4. How did the allies 
evidently feel about Athenian control? 5. Where did Xenophon obtain 
his information about the Athenians and their allies? 6. Is he friendly 
to the people of Athens? 7. How much of what he says is probably 
true, how much should be accepted only when supported by other 
evidence, and how much is simply his opinion or the opinion of those 
hostile to Athens? 8. Do we know that this account was written by 
Xenophon ? 

D. Greek Life and Thought as reflected in the Drama 

Sophocles, (Edipus the King, 863-910, Stroph. I 

1. Would 'twere my lot to lead 
My life in holiest purity of speech, 

In purity of deed, 
Of deed and word whose laws high-soaring reach 

Through all the vast concave, 
Heaven-born, 01>Tnpos their one only sire ! 

To these, man never gave 
The breath of life, nor shall they e'er expire 

In dim oblivion cold: 
In these God shows as great and never waxeth old. 

Sophocles, (Edipus the King, 863-910, Stroph. II 

2. But if there be who walks too haughtily 

In action or in speech, 
Who the great might of justice dares defy. 



i6o SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Whom nought can reverence teach, 
111 fate be his for that his ill-starred scorn, 

Unless he choose to win 
Henceforth the gain that is of justice born, 

And holds aloof from sin, 
Nor lays rash hand on things inviolable. 

Who now will strive to guard 
His soul against the darts of passion fell? 

If such deeds gain reward. 

What boots it yet again 
In choral dance to chant my wonted strain? 

Sophocles, CEdipus at Colonos^ 668-718, Stroph. I 

3. Yes, thou art com.e, O guest, 

Where our dear land is brightest of the bright, 

Land in its good steeds blest, 
Our home, Colonos, gleaming fair and white; 

The nightingale still haunteth all our woods 

Green with the flush of spring. 

And sweet melodious floods 
Of softest song through grove and thicket ring; 

She dwelleth in the shade 
Of glossy ivy, dark as purpling wine, 

And the untrodden glade 
Of trees that hang their myriad fruit divine. 

Unscathed by blast of storm ; 
Here Dionysus finds his dear-loved home. 

Here, revel-flushed, his form 
Is wont with those his fair nurse-nymphs to roam. 

Antistroph. I 

Here, as Heaven drops its dew. 
Narcissus grows with fair bells clustered o'er. 

Wreath to the Dread Ones due. 
The mighty goddesses whom we adore; 
And here is seen the crocus, golden-eyed; 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS i6i 

The sleepless streams ne'er fail; 

Still wandering on they glide, 
And clear Cephisus waters all the vale ; 

Daily each night and mom 
It winds through all the wide and fair champaign. 

And pours its flood new-bom 
From the clear freshets of the fallen rain ; 

The Muses scom it not, 
But here, rejoicing, their high feast-days hold, 

And here, in this blest spot. 
Dwells Aphrodite in her car of gold. 

Sophocles, Antigone, 582-630, Stroph. II 

4. What pride of man, O Zeus, in check can hold 

Thy power divine. 
Which nor sleep seizeth that makes all things old. 
Nor the long months of God in endless hne ? 

Thou grow'st not old with time. 

But ruling in thy might. 
Forever dwellest in thy home sublime, 
Olympos, ghttering in its sheen of hght: 

And through the years' long tale. 

The far time or the near. 
As through the past, this law shall still prevail: 
Nought comes to life of man without or woe or fear. 

Sophocles, Electra, 233-250 

5. Electra. Nay; but what bounds are set to baseness here? 
Come, tell me this, I pray. 
How can it e'er be right 
Those who are dead to slight? 
Where did that law appear? 
May I ne'er walk in honor in their way, 
Nor if aught good be mine. 
Dwell with it happily. 
Should I the wings confine 



i62 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

That rise with bitter cry, 

And bid them cease to pay 
Due reverence to my father past away. 
If he who dies be but as dust and nought, 

And poor and helpless He, 
And these no vengeance meet for what they wrought, 

Then truly awe will die, 
And all men lose their natural piety. 



Fragments frotn Sophocles 

6. Hast thou done fearful evil? Thou must bear 

Evil as fearful; and the holy light 
Of righteousness shines clearly. 

Man is but breath and shadow, nothing more. 

94 

Strange is it that the godless, who have sprung 
From evil-doers, should fare prosperously. 
While good men, born of noble stock, should be 
By adverse fortune vexed. It was ill done 
For the gods thus to order lives of men. 
What ought to be is this, that godly souls 
Should from the gods gain some clear recompense 
And the unjust pay some clear penalty; 
So none would prosper who are base of soul. 

239 

There stretcheth by the sea 
A fair Euboean shore, and o'er it creeps 
The vine of Bacchus, each day's growth complete. 
In morning brightness all the land is green 




Fig. II. Slab of the Parthenon buiLiE (North) 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 163 

With tendrils fair and spreading. Noontide comes, 
And then the unripe cluster forms apace; 
The day declines, and purple grow the grapes; 
At eve the whole bright vintage is brought in, 
And the mixed wine poured out. 

288 

No good e'er comes of leisure purposeless; 

And heaven ne'er helps the men who will not act. 

298 

'Tis only in God's garden men may reap 
True joy and blessing. 

302 
Chance never helps the men who do not work. 

311 
A mortal man should think things fit for men. 

326 

The noblest life is that of righteousness; 

The best, one free from sickness; sweetest far 

To have each day the fill of all we wish. 



707 



I know that God is ever such as this, 
Darkly disclosing counsels to the wise; 
But to the simple, speaking fewest words, 
Plain teacher found. 



i64 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

709 

Thou shalt find a God 
Who knoweth not or charity or grace, 
But loves strict justice, that and that alone. 

Aristophanes, The Acharnians, pp. 14-16 
Scene: The Pnyx 

7. Dicceopolis. How many things there are to cross and vex me, 
My comforts I compute at four precisely, 
My griefs and miseries at a hundred thousand. 
Let's see what there has happened to rejoice me 
With any real kind of joyfulness; 
Come, in the first place I set down five talents. 
Which Cleon vomited up again and refunded ; 
There I rejoiced; I loved the knights for that; 
'Twas nobly done, for the interests of all Greece. 
But again I suffered cruelly in the theatre 
A tragical disappointment. — There was I 
Gaping to hear old iEschylus, when the herald 
Called out, "Theognis, bring your chorus forward.'' 
Imagine what my feeUngs must have been ! 
But then Dexitheus pleased me coming forward 
And singing his Boeotian melody: 
But next came Chaeris with his music truly 
That turned me sick, and killed me very nearly. 

But never in my Hfetime, man nor boy. 
Was I so vexed as at this present moment; 
To see the Pnyx, at this time of the morning, 
Quite empty, when the assembly should be full. 
There are our citizens in the market-place, 
Lounging and talking, shifting up and down 
To escape the painted twine that ought to sweep 
The shoal of them this way; not even the presidents 
Arrived — they're always last, crowding and jostling 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 165 

To get the foremost seat ; but as for peace 
They never think about it. — Oh, poor country ! 
As for myself, I'm always the first man. 
Alone in the morning, here I take my place. 
Here I contemplate, here I stretch my legs ; 
I think and think — I don't know what to think. 
I draw conclusions and comparisons. 



I fidget about, and yawn and scratch myself ; 
Looking in vain to the prospect of the fields, 
Loathing the city, longing for a peace. 
To return to my poor village and my farm. 
That never used to cry ''Come buy my charcoal !'* 
Nor, ''Buy my oil!" nor "Buy my anything!" 
But gave me what I wanted, freely and fairly. 
Clear of all cost, with never a word of buying, 
Or such buy-words. So here I'm come, resolved 
To bawl, to abuse, to interrupt the speakers, 
Whenever I hear a word of any kind 
Except for an immediate peace. Ah there 1 
The presidents at last ; see, there they come ! 
All scrambling for their seats — I told you so ! 

Herald. Move forward there ! Move forward all of ye 
Further! within the consecrated ground. 

Amphitheus. Has anybody spoke? 

Herald. Is anybody 

Prepared to speak? 

Amphitheus. Yes, I. 

Herald. • Who are you and what? 

Amphitheus. Amphitheus the demigod. 

Herald. Not a man ? 

Amphitheus. No, I'm immortal; for the first Amphitheus 
Was born of Ceres and Triptolemus, 
His only son was Keleiis, Keleiis married 
Phaenarete my grandmother, Lykinus 



i66 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

My father was their son; that's proof enough 
Of the immortahty in our family. 
The gods moreover have despatched me here 
Commissioned specially to arrange a peace 
Betwixt this city and Sparta — notwithstanding 
I find myself rather in want at present 
Of a Httle ready money for my journey. 
The magistrates won't assist me. 

Herald. Constables ! 

Amphitheus, O Keleiis and Triptolemus, don't forsake me! 

DiccBOpolis. You presidents, I say! you exceed your powers; 
You insult the assembly, dragging off a man 
That offered to make terms and give us peace. 

Herald. Keep silence there ! 

DiccBopolis. By Jove, but I won't be silent, 

Except I hear a motion about peace. 

Aristophanes, The Acharnians, pp. 38-43 

(In the following lines there is an intentional imitation of the dry, drawling style 

of Euripides' harangues.) 

8. DiccBOpolis. Be not surprised, most excellent spectators, 
If I that am a beggar, have presumed 
To claim an audience upon public matters, 
Even in a comedy; for comedy 
Is conversant in all the rules of justice, 
And can distinguish betwixt right and wrong. 

The words I speak are bold, but just and true. 
Cleon, at least, cannot accuse me now. 
That I defame the city before strangers. 
For this is the Lenaean festival. 
And here we meet, all by ourselves alone; 
No deputies are arrived as yet with tribute, 
No strangers or allies ; but here we sit 
A chosen sample, clean as sifted corn. 
With our own denizens as a kind of chaff. 

First, I detest the Spartans most extremely ; 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 167 

And wish, that Neptune, the Taenarian deity, 
Would bury them in their houses with his earthquakes. 
For IVe had losses — losses, let me tell ye. 
Like other people ; vines cut down and injured. 
But, among friends (for only friends are here). 
Why should we blame the Spartans for all this? 
For people of ours, some people of our own. 
Some people from amongst us here, I mean ; 
But not the people (pray remember that) ; 
I never said the people — but a pack 
Of paltry people, mere pretended citizens. 
Base counterfeits, went laying informations. 
And making a confiscation of the jerkins 
Imported here from Megara; pigs, moreover, 
Pumpkins, and pecks of salt, and ropes of onions, 
Were voted to be merchandise from Megara, 
Denounced, and seized, and sold upon the spot. 

So this was the beginning of the war. 

For Pericles, like an Olympian Jove, 

With all his thunder and his thunderbolts, 

Began to storm and lighten dreadfully. 

Alarming all the neighborhood of Greece; 

And made decrees, drawn up like drinking songs. 

In which it was enacted and concluded. 

That the Megarians should remain excluded 

From every place where commerce was transacted. 

With all their ware — like ''old care" — in the ballad: 

And this decree, by land and sea, was valid. 

Then the Megarians, being all half starved, 
Desired the Spartans, to desire of us. 
Just to repeal those laws. . . . 

And so they begged and prayed us several times; 
And we refused ; and so they went to war. 



i68 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

You'll say, ^'They should not." Why, what should they have done? 

Just make it your own case ; suppose the Spartans 

Had manned a boat, and landed on your islands, 

And stolen a pug puppy from Seriphus ; 

Would you then have remained at home inglorious? 

Not so, by no means ; at the first report. 

You would have launched at once three hundred galleys, 

And filled the city with the noise of troops; 

And crews of ships, crowding and clamoring 

About the muster-masters and pay -masters; 

With measuring corn out at the magazine, 

And all the porch choked with the multitude ; 

With figures of Minerva, newly furbished, 

Painted and gilt, parading in the streets; 

With wineskins, kegs, and firkins, leeks and onions; 

With garhc crammed in pouches, nets, and pokes ; 

With garlands, singing girls, and bloody noses. 

Our arsenal would have sounded and resounded 

With bangs and thwacks of driving bolts and nails; 

With shaping oars, and holes to put the oar in ; 

With hacking, hammering, clattering, and boring; 

Words of command, whistles and pipes and fifes. 

Such would have been your conduct. Will you say, 
That Telephus should have acted otherwise? 

Aristophanes, The Acharnians^ pp. 46-47 
Parahasis of the Chorus 

9. Our poet has never as yet 

Esteemed it proper or fit. 
To detain you with a long 
Encomiastic song, 
On his own superior wit. 
But being abused and accused, 
And attacked of late. 
As a foe to the state, 
He makes an appeal in his proper defence 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 169 

To your voluble humor and temper and sense, 

With the following plea; 

Namely, that he 
Never attempted or ever meant 

To scandalize 

In any wise 
Your mighty imperial government. 

Moreover he says, 

That in various ways 
He presumes to have merited honor and praise, 
Exhorting you still to stick to your rights, 
And no more to be fooled with rhetorical flights; 

Such as of late each envoy tries 

On the behalf of your allies, 
That come to plead their cause before ye. 
With fulsome phrase, and a foolish story 
Of violet crowns and Athenian glory; 
With sumptuous Athens at every word; 
Sumptuous Athens is always heard, 
Sumptuous ever; a suitable phrase 
For a dish of meat or a beast at graze. 

He therefore affirms. 

In confident terms. 
That his active courage and earnest zeal 
Have usefully served your common weal: 

He has openly shown the style and tone 
Of your democracy ruling abroad. 
He has placed its practices on record; 
The tyrannical arts, the knavish tricks. 
That poison all your politics. 
Therefore we shall see, this year. 
The allies with tribute arriving here. 
Eager and anxious all to behold 
Their steady protector, the bard so bold: 
The bard, they say, that has dared to speak, 
To attack the strong, to defend the weak. 



i-jo SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Aristophanes, The Acharnians, pp. 50-51, 
Epirrema 

10. We, the veterans of the city, briefly must expostulate 
At the hard ungrateful usage which we meet with from the state, 
Suffering men of years and service at your bar to stand indicted 
Bullied by your beardless speakers, worried and perplexed and frighted; 
Aided only by their staff, the staff on which their steps are stayed ; 
Old and impotent and empty ; deaf, decrepit, and decayed. 
There they stand and pore and drivel, with a misty purblind gleam, 
Scarce discerning the tribunal, in a kind of waking dream. 
Then the stripling, their accuser, fresh from training, bold and quick. 
Pleads in person, fencing, sparring, using every turn and trick ; 
Grappling with the feeble culprit, dragging him to dangerous ground, 
Into pitfalls of dilennas, to perplex him and confound. 
Then the wretched invalid attempts an answer, and at last. 
After stammering and mumbhng, goes away condemned and cast; 
Moaning to his friends and neighbors, ^'All the Kttle store I have. 
All is gone ! my purchase-money for a cof!in and my grave.'* 

A ntistrophe 

Scandalous and a shame it is, 

Seen or told; 
Scandalous and a shame to see, 

A warrior old; 
Crippled in the war. 
Worried at the bar; 
Him, the veteran, that of old 

Firmly stood. 
With a fierce and hardy frown. 
In the field of Marathon; 

Running down 

Sweat and blood. 
There and then, we were men; 
Valorous assailants; now 

Poor and low : 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 171 

Open and exposed to wrong, 

From the young; 
Every knave, every ass. 
Every rogue like Marpsyas. 

Aristophanes, The Knights, p. 153, 
Chorus 

11. Joyful will it be and pleasant 
To the future times and present. 
The benignant happy day. 

Which will shine on us at last. 
Announcing with his genial ray, 

That Cleon is condemned and cast ! 
Notwithstanding we have heard 

From the seniors of the city. 
Jurymen revered and feared. 

An opinion deep and pithy: 
That the state for household use 

Wants a pestle and a mortar; 
That Cleon serves to pound and bruise, 

Or else our income would run shorter. 
But I was told, the boys at school 
Observed it as a kind of rule. 

That he never could be made 

By any means to play the lyre, 
Till he was well and truly paid — 

I mean with lashes for his hire. 
At length his master all at once 
Expelled him as an utter dunce; 
As by nature ill inclined, 
And wanting gijts of every kind. 

Aristophanes, The Birds, p. 196 

12. Hoopoe. Friendship is a poor adviser; politicians deep and wise 
Many times are forced to learn a lesson from their enemies: 
Diligent and wary conduct is the method soon or late 



172 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Which an adversary teaches ; whilst a friend or intimate 
Trains us on to sloth and ease, to ready confidence ; to rest 
In a careless acquiescence ; to believe and hope the best. 
Look on earth ! behold the nations, all in emulation vieing, 
Active all, with busy science engineering, fortifying; 
To defend their hearths and homes, with patriotic industry, 
Fencing every city round with massy walls of masonry : 
Tactical devices old they modify with new design ; 
Arms offensive and defensive to perfection they refine ; 
Galleys are equipped and armed, and armies trained to discipline. 
Look to life, in every part ; in all they practice, all they know ; 
Every nation has derived its best instruction from the foe. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Before reading the extracts from the Greek drama, reread the 
scene between Hector and AYidromache {Iliad), the war-songs of Tyr- 
taeus, the poems of Solon, the odes of Pindar, and the description of the 
battle of Salamis from The Persians of iEschylus. Note how the poetry 
reflects the life of the Greeks. 2. Could you tell from the extracts 
from the Greek drama what kind of a country the Greeks lived in? 

3. Which of the extracts appear to you the most beautiful as poetry? 

4. Make a statement of the religious behef and ethics of Sophocles, 
proving your statements by quotations from the extracts. 5. How do his 
ideas on religion differ from those found in the Iliad and Odyssey? 

6. What traces of the old religion do you find in the ideas of Sophocles ? 

7. Which of the ideas appeal to you as noble and true? 8. Why are 
the plays of Aristophanes called comedies? 9. Do they give us a true 
picture of Athenian life? 10. What allow^ance must we make in using 
such material? 11. Select some passage from Aristophanes and show 
what is probably true and what false in it. 12. Describe an assembly 
of the Athenian people in so far as this can be done from the above ex- 
tracts, indicating each time the extract from which you draw your infor- 
mation. 13. Enumerate the interesting things about Athenian life — 
apart from government — that you find mentioned in the extracts from 
Aristophanes. 14. Pick out the passages that are intended to make 



THE SUPREMACY OF ATHENS 173 

sport of persons or practices in Athens. 15. Did Aristophanes poke 
fun at the people as well as at the government? 16. What was his 
attitude towards the government? 17. How did the government like 
his criticism? 18. Could you tell from the extracts from The Achar- 
nians when the play was written ? 19. What was the attitude of Aris- 
tophanes towards the old soldiers? 20. Did the Greek states expend 
much time and money in maintaining and perfecting their armies and 
navies ? 




Fig. 12. Women at the Fountain 



VII. THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 

A. The Ten Years' War 

a. Condition of Greece and Resources of the Belligerents 

Thucydides, II, 7-9 

I. The affair of Plataea was a glaring violation of the thirty 
years' truce, and the Athenians now made preparations for war. 
The Lacedemonians and their alhes made similar preparations. 
Both they and the Athenians meditated sending embassies to the 
king, and to the other barbarian potentates from whom either party 
might hope to obtain aid; they likewise sought the alhance of in- 
dependent cities outside their own dominion. The Lacedemo- 
nians ordered their friends in Italy and Sicily to build others in 
number proportioned to the size of their cities, in addition to the 
ships which they had on the spot; for they intended to raise the 
Peloponnesian navy to a total of five hundred. The cities were 
also required to furnish a fixed sum of money; they were not to 
receive more than one ship of the Athenians at a time, but were to 
take no further measures until these preparations had been com- 
pleted. The Athenians reviewed their confederacy, and sent am- 
bassadors to the places immediately adjacent to Peloponnesus 
— Corcyra, Cephallenia, Acarnania, and Zacynthus. They per- 
ceived that if they could only rely upon the friendship of these 
states, they might completely encircle Peloponnesus with war. 

On neither side were there any mean thoughts ; they were both 
full of enthusiasm: and no wonder, for all men are energetic 
when they are making a beginning. At that time the youth of 
Peloponnesus and the youth of Athens were numerous ; they had 

174 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 175 

never seen war, and were therefore very willing to take up arms. 
All Hellas was excited by the coming conflict between her two 
chief cities. Many were the prophecies circulated and many the 
oracles chanted by diviners, not only in the cities about to engage 
in the struggle, but throughout Hellas. Quite recently the island 
of Delos had been shaken by an earthquake for the first time within 
the memory of the Hellenes; this w^as interpreted and generally 
believed to be a sign of coming events. And everything of the 
sort which occurred was curiously noted. 

The feeling of mankind was strongly on the side of the Lace- 
demonians; for they professed to be the liberators of Hellas. 
Cities and individuals were eager to assist them to the utmost, 
both by word and deed ; and w^here a man could not hope to be 
present, there it seemed to him that all things were at a stand. 
For the general indignation against the Athenians w^as intense; 
some were longing to be delivered from them, others fearful of 
falling under their sway. 

Such was the temper which animated the Hellenes and such were 
the preparations made by the tw^o powers for the war. Their 
respective allies were as follows: The Lacedemonian confed- 
eracy included all the Peloponnesians with the exception of the 
Argives and the Achaeans — they were both neutral ; only the 
Achaeans of Pellene took part with the Lacedemonians at first; 
afterwards all the Achaeans joined them. Beyond the borders 
of the Peloponnese, the Megarians, Phocians, Locrians, Boeo- 
tians, Ambraciots, Leucadians, and Anactorians were their allies. 
Of these the Corinthians, Megarians, Sicyonians, Pellenians, 
Eleans, Ambraciots, and Leucadians provided a navy, . the Boeo- 
tians, Phocians, and Locrians furnished cavalry, the other states 
only infantry. The allies of the Athenians were Chios, Lesbos, 
Plataea, the Messenians of Naupactus, the greater part of Acar- 
nania, Corcyra, Zacynthus, and cities in many other countries 
which were their tributaries. There was the maritime region 



176 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

of Caria, the adjacent Dorian peoples, Ionia, the Hellespont, the 
Thracian coast, the islands that lie to the east within the line of 
Peloponnesus and Crete, including all the Cyclades with the ex- 
ception of Melos and Thera. Chios, Lesbos, and Corcyra fur- 
nished a navy ; , the rest, land forces and money. Thus much 
concerning the two confederacies, and the character of their 
respective forces. 

... As to the general situation, he (Pericles) repeated his pre- 
vious advice ; they must prepare for war and bring their property 
from the country into the city; they must defend their walls but 
not go out to battle ; they should also equip for service the fleet in 
which lay their strength. Their aUies should be kept well in hand, 
for their power depended on the revenues which they derived from 
them; military successes were generally gained by a wise pohcy 
and command of money. The state of their finances was encour- 
aging; they had on an average six hundred talents of tribute com- 
ing in annually from their allies, to say nothing of their other 
revenue ; and there were still remaining in the acropolis six thou- 
sand talents of coined silver. (The whole amount had once been 
as much as nine thousand seven hundred talents, but from this had 
to be deducted a sum of three thousand seven hundred expended 
on various buildings, such as the propylaea of the acropolis, and 
also on the siege of Potidaea.) Moreover, there was uncoined gold 
and silver in the form of private and public offerings, sacred ves- 
sels used in processions and games, the Persian spoil and other 
things of the like nature, worth at least five hundred talents more. 
There were also at their disposal, besides what they had in the 
acropoHs,- considerable treasures in various temples. If they were 
reduced to the last extremity, they could even take off the plates 
of gold with which the image of the goddess was overlaid; these, 
a^s he pointed out, weighed forty talents, and were of refined gold, 
which was all removable. They might use this treasure in self- 
defence, but they were bound to replace all that they had taken. 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 177 

By this estimate of their wealth, he strove to encourage them. He 
added that they had thirteen thousand hopHtes, besides the six- 
teen thousand who occupied the fortresses, or who manned the 
walls of the city. For this was the number engaged on garrison 
duty at the beginning of the war, w^henever the enemy invaded 
Attica ; they were made up of the elder and younger men, and of 
such metics as bore heavy arms. The Phaleric wall extended 
four miles from Phalerum to the city walls : the portion of the city 
wall which was guarded w^as somewhat less than five miles ; that 
between the Long Wall and the Phaleric requiring no guard. The 
Long Walls running down to the Piraeus were rather more than 
four and a half miles in length ; the outer only was guarded. The 
whole circuit of the Piraeus and of Munychia was not quite seven 
miles, of which half required a guard. The Athenian cavalry, so 
Pericles pointed out, numbered twelve hundred, including mounted 
archers ; the foot-archers, sixteen hundred ," of triremes fit for ser- 
vice the city had three hundred. — The forces of various kinds 
which Athens possessed at the commencement of the war, when the 
first Peloponnesian invasion was impending, cannot be estimated 
at less. — To these Pericles added other arguments, such as he was 
fond of using, which were intended to prove to the Athenians that 
victory was certain. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What evidence do you find that this war promised at the outset to 
be a general European war? 2. What, according to Thucydides, was 
the feeling in the Greek world towards Athens? 3. If this was true, 
what was the cause of it? 4. On a sketch-map, color the territory 
occupied by Sparta and her allies yellow, by Athens and her allies green. 
5. What inferences might be drawn concerning the two groups from a 
study of the map ? 6. Make a statement of the resources of Athens in 
men and money. 7. What was Pericles' war policy? 8. Draw a plan 
of the walls of Athens and mark the length of the different sections. 



178 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

b. Funeral Oration of Pericles 

Thucydides, II, 34-54 

I. During the same winter, in accordance with an old national 
custom, the funeral of those who first fell in this war was celebrated 
by the Athenians at the public charge. The ceremony is as fol- 
lows : Three days before the celebration they erect a tent in which 
the bones of the dead are laid out, and every one brings to his own 
dead any offering which he pleases. At the time of the funeral 
the bones are placed in chests of cypress wood, which are con- 
veyed on hearses; there is one chest for each tribe. They also 
carry a single empty htter decked with a pall for all whose bodies 
are missing, and cannot be recovered after the battle. The pro- 
cession is accompanied by any one w^ho chooses, whether citizen or 
stranger, and the female relatives of the deceased are present 
at the place of interment, and make lamentation. The pubHc 
sepulchre is situated in the most beautiful spot outside the walls; 
there they always bury those w^ho fall in war ; only after the battle 
of Marathon the dead, in recognition of their preeminent valor, 
were interred on the field. When the remains have been laid in the 
earth, some man of known ability and high reputation, chosen by 
the city, deHvers a suitable oration over them; after which the 
people depart. Such is the manner of interment; and the cere- 
mony was repeated from time to time throughout the war. Over 
those who were the first buried, Pericles was chosen to speak. At 
the fitting moment he advanced from the sepulchre to a lofty stage, 
w^hich had been erected in order that he might be heard as far as 
possible by the multitude, and spoke as follows : — 

^'Most of those who have spoken here before me have com- 
mended the lawgiver who added this oration to our other funeral 
customs; it seemed to them a worthy thing that such an honor 
should be given at their burial to the dead who have fallen on the 
field of battle. But I should have preferred, that, when men's 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 179 

deeds have been brave, they should be honored in deed only, and 
with such an honor as this public funeral, which you are now wit- 
nessing. Then the reputation of many would not have been im- 
perilled on the eloquence, or want of eloquence of one, and their 
virtues believed or not as he spoke well or ill. For it is difficult to 
say neither too little nor too much ; and even moderation is apt 
not to give the impression of truthfulness. The friend of the dead 
who knows the facts is Hkely to think that the w^ords of the speaker 
fall short of his knowledge and of his wishes ; another who is not 
so well informed, when he hears of anything which surpasses his 
own powers, w411 be envious and will suspect exaggeration. Man- 
kind are tolerant of the praises of others, so long as each hearer 
thinks that he can do as well or nearly as well himself, but, when 
the speaker rises above him, jealousy is aroused and he begins 
to be incredulous. However, since our ancestors have set the 
seal of their approval upon the practice, I must obey, and to the 
utmost of my power shall endeavor to satisfy the wishes and beliefs 
of all who hear me. 

^^I will speak first of our ancestors, for it is right and seemly, 
that now, when we are lamenting the dead, a tribute should be paid 
to their memory. There has never been a time when they did not 
inhabit this land, which by their valor they have handed down from 
generation to generation, and we have received from them a free 
state. But if they were worthy of praise, still more were our fathers, 
w^ho added to their inheritance, and after many a struggle trans- 
mitted to us, their sons, this great empire. And we ourselves as- 
sembled here to-day, who are still most of us in the vigor of hfe, 
have carried the work of improvement farther, and have richly en- 
dowed our city with all things, so that she is sufficient for herself 
both in peace and war. Of the mihtary exploits, by which our 
various possessions were acquired, or of the energy with which we, 
or our fathers, drove back the tide of war, Hellenic or barbarian, 
I will not speak ; for the tale would be long and is familiar to you. 



J 



i8o SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

But before I praise the dead, I should Hke to point out by what 
principles of action we rose to power, and under what institutions, 
and through what manner of life our empire became great. For I 
conceive that such thoughts are not unsuited to the occasion, and 
that this numerous assembly of citizens and strangers may profit- 
ably listen to them. 

''Our form of government does not enter into rivalry with 
the institution of others. We do not copy our neighbors, but are 
an example to them. It is true that we are called a democracy, 
for the administration is in the hands of the many and not of the 
few. But while the law secures equal justice to all alike in their 
private disputes, the claim of excellence is also recognized; and 
when a citizen is in any way distinguished, he is preferred to the 
public service, not as a matter of privilege, but as the reward of 
merit. Neither is poverty a bar, but a man may benefit his coun- 
try whatever be the obscurity of his condition. There is no ex- 
clusiveness in our pubhc life, and in our private intercourse we are 
not suspicious of one another, nor angry with our neighbor if he 
does what he likes; we do not put on sour looks at him, which, 
though harmless, are not pleasant. While we are thus uncon- 
strained in our private intercourse, a spirit of reverence pervades 
our public acts; we are prevented from doing wrong by respect 
for the authorities and for the laws, having an especial regard to 
those w^hich are ordained for the protection of the injured as well 
as to those unwritten laws which bring upon the transgressor of 
them the reprobation of the general sentiment. 

''And we have not forgotten to provide for our weary spirits 
many relaxations from toil ; we have regular games and sacrifices 
throughout the year; our homes are beautiful and elegant; and 
the delight which we daily feel in all these things helps to banish 
melancholy. Because of the greatness of our city the fruits of the 
whole earth flow in upon us; so that we enjoy the goods of other 
countries as freelv as of our own. 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS i8i 

''Then, again, our military training is in many respects 
superior to that of our adversaries. Our city is thrown open to 
the world, and we never expel a foreigner, or prevent him from 
seeing or learning anything of which the secret, if revealed to 
an enemy, might profit him. We rely not upon management or 
trickery, but upon our ow^n hearts and hands. And in the matter 
of education, w^hereas, they from early youth are always under- 
going laborious exercises which are to make them brave, we live 
at ease, and yet are equally ready to face the perils which they face. 
And here is the proof. The Lacedemonians come into Attica 
not by themselves, but with their whole confederacy following; 
we go alone into a neighbor's country ; and although our opponents 
are fighting for their homes and we on a foreign soil, we have sel- 
dom any difficulty in overcoming them. Our enemies have never 
yet felt our united strength ; the care of a navy divides our attention , 
and on land we are obHged to send our own citizens everywhere. 
But they, if they meet and defeat a part of our army, are as proud 
as if they had routed us all, and when defeated they pretend to 
have been vanquished by us all. 

''If, then, we prefer to meet danger with a fight heart but 
without laborious training, and with a courage which is gained by 
habit and not enforced by law, are we not greatly the gainers? 
Since we do not anticipate the pain, although, when the hour comes, 
we can be as brave as those w^ho never allow themselves to rest ; and 
thus too our city is equally admirable in peace and in war. For 
we are lovers of the beautiful, yet simple in our tastes, and we cul- 
tivate the mind without loss of manliness. Wealth, we employ, 
not for talk and ostentation, but when there is a real use for it. To 
avow poverty with us is no disgrace ; the true disgrace is in doing 
nothing to avoid it. An Athenian citizen does not neglect the 
state because he takes care of his own household ; and even those 
of us who are engaged in business have a very fair idea of politics. 
We alone regard a man who takes no interest in public affairs, not 



i82 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

as a harmless, but as a useless character; and if few of us are 
originators, we are all sound judges of a policy. The great im- 
pediment to action is, in our opinion, not discussion, but the want 
of that knowledge w^hich is gained by discussion preparatory to 
action. For we have a peculiar power of thinking before we act 
and of acting, too, whereas other men are courageous from igno- 
rance but hesitate upon reflection. And they are surely to be 
esteemed the bravest spirits w^ho, having the clearest sense both 
of the pains and pleasures of Hfe, do not on that account shrink 
from danger. In doing good, again, we are unhke others; w^e 
make our friends by conferring, not by receiving favors. Now he 
who confers a favor is the firmer friend, because he would fain by 
kindness keep alive the memory of an obHgation ; but the recipient 
is colder in his feelings, because he knows that in requiting another's 
generosity he will not be winning gratitude but only paying a debt. 
We alone do good to our neighbors not upon a calculation of 
interest, but in the confidence of freedom and in a frank and fear- 
less spirit. To sum up : I say that Athens is the school of Hellas, 
and that the individual Athenian, in his own person, seems to have 
the power of adapting himself to the most varied forms of action 
with the utmost versatility and grace. This is no passing and idle 
word, but truth and fact ; and the assertion is verified by the posi- 
tion to which these qualities have raised the state. For in the hour 
of trial, Athens alone, among her contemporaries, is superior to the 
report of her. No enemy w^ho comes against her is indignant at 
the reverses which he sustains at the hands of such a city; no sub- 
ject complains that his masters are unw^orthy of him. And we 
sh^U assuredly not be without witnesses ; there are mighty monu- 
ments of our power which will make us the wonder of this and of 
succeeding ages ; we shall not need the praises of Homer or of any 
other panegyrist whose poetry may please for the moment, although 
his representation of the facts will not bear the light of day. For 
we have compelled every land and every sea to open a path for our 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 183 

valor, and have everywhere planted eternal memorials of our friend- 
ship and of our enmity. Such is the city for whose sake these men 
nobly fought and died ; they could not bear the thought that she 
might be taken from them ; and every one of us who survive should 
gladly toil on her behalf. 

^'I have dwelt upon the greatness of Athens, because I want 
to show you that we are contending for a higher prize than those 
who enjoy none of these privileges, and to establish by manifest 
proof the merit of these men whom I am now commemorating. 
Their loftiest praise has been already spoken. For in magnify- 
ing the city I have magnified them, and men like them whose 
virtues made her glorious. And of how few Hellenes can it be 
said as of them, that their deeds when weighed in the balance have 
been found equal to their fame 1 Methinks that a death such as 
theirs has given the true measure of a man's worth; it may be the 
first revelation of his virtues, but is at any rate their final seal. 
For even those who come short in other ways may justly plead 
the valor with which they have fought for their country; they 
have blotted out the evil wuth the good, and have benefited the 
state more by their public services than they have injured her by 
their private actions. None of these men were enervated by wealth 
or hesitated to resign the pleasures of Hfe; none of them put off 
the evil day in the hope, natural to poverty, that a man, though 
poor, may one day become rich. But, deeming that the punish- 
ment of their enemies was sweeter than any of these things, and 
that they could fall in no nobler cause, they determined at the 
hazard of their Hves to be honorably avenged, and to leave the 
rest. They resigned to hope their unknown chance of happi- 
ness; but in the face of death they resolved to rely upon them- 
selves alone. And when the moment came they were minded to 
resist and suffer, rather than to fly and save their lives ; they ran 
away from the word of dishonor, but on the battle-field their 
feet stood fast, and in an instant, at the height of their fortune, 



i84 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

they passed away from the scene, not of their fear, but of their 
glory. 

^^Such was the end of these men; they were worthy of Athens, 
and the living need not desire to have a more heroic spirit, 
although they may pray for a less fatal issue. The value of such a 
spirit is not to be expressed in words. Any one can discourse to 
you forever about the advantages of a brave defence, which you 
know already. But instead of listening to him, I would have you 
day by day fix your eyes upon the greatness of Athens, until you 
become filled with the love of her; and when you are impressed 
by the spectacle of her glory, reflect that this empire has been ac- 
quired by men w^ho knew their duty and had the courage to do it, 
w^ho, in the hour of conflict, had the fear of dishonor always present 
to them, and who, if ever they failed in an enterprise, w^ould not 
allow their virtues to be lost to their country, but freely gave their 
lives to her as the fairest offering which they could present at her 
feast. The sacrifice, which they collectively made, was individu- 
ally repaid to them; for they received again each one for himself 
a praise which grows not old, and the noblest of all sepulchres — 
I speak not of that in which their remains are laid, but of that in 
which their glory survives, and is proclaimed always, and on every 
fitting occasion both in w^ord and deed. For the whole earth is 
the sepulchre of famous men ; not only are they commemorated 
by columns and inscriptions in their own country, but in foreign 
lands there dwells also an unwritten memorial of them, graven not 
on stone but in the hearts of men. Make them your examples, 
and, esteeming courage to be freedom and freedom to be happiness, 
do not weigh too nicely the perils of war. The unfortunate, who 
has no hope of a change for the better, has less reason to throw 
away his life than the prosperous, who, if he survive, is always 
liable to a change for the worse, and to whom any accidental fall 
makes the most serious difference. To a man of spirit, cowardice 
and disaster coming together are far more bitter than death, strik- 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 185 

ing him unperceived at a time when he is full of courage and ani- 
mated by the general hope. 

'^Wherefore, I do not now commiserate the parents of the 
dead who stand here; I would rather comfort them. You know 
that your Hfe has been passed amid manifold vicissitudes; and 
that they may be deemed fortunate who have gained most honor, 
whether an honorable death like theirs, or an honorable sorrow 
like yours, and whose days have been so ordered that the term of 
their happiness is likewise the term of their life. I know how hard 
it is to make you feel this, when the good fortune of others will 
too often remind you of the gladness which once lightened your 
hearts. And sorrow is felt at the want of those blessings, not which 
a man never knew, but which were a part of his Hfe before they 
were taken from him. Some of you are of an age at which they 
may hope to have other children, and they ought to bear their 
sorrow better; not only will the children, w^ho may hereafter be 
born, make them forget their own lost ones, but the city will 
be doubly a gainer. She will not be left desolate, and she will be 
safer. For a man's counsel cannot have equal weight or worth, 
when he alone has no children to risk in the general danger. To 
those of you who have passed their prime, I say: ^Congratulate 
yourselves that you have been happy during the greater part of 
your days ; remember that your life of sorrow will not last long, and 
be comforted by the glory of those who are gone. For the love 
of honor alone is ever young, and not riches, as some say, but 
honor is the dehght of men when they are old and useless.' 

^' To you who are the sons and brothers of the departed, I see that 
the struggle to emulate them will be an arduous one. For all men 
praise the dead, and, however preeminent your virtue may be, 
hardly will you be thought, I do not say to equal, but even to ap- 
proach them. The Hving have their rivals and detractors, but 
when a man is out of the way, the honor and good-will which he 
receives is unalloyed. And, if I am to speak of womanly virtues 



i86 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

to those of you who will henceforth be widows, let me sum them up 
in one short admonition: To a woman not to show more weak- 
ness than is natural to her sex is a great glory, and not to be talked 
about for good or for evil among men. 

''I have paid the required tribute, in obedience to the law, 
making use of such fitting words as I had. The tribute of deeds 
has been paid in part ; for the dead have been honorably interred, 
and it remains only that their children should be maintained at the 
pubHc charge until they are grown up : this is the solid prize with 
which, as with a garland, Athens crowns her sons living and dead, 
after a struggle like theirs. For where the rewards of virtue are 
greatest, there the noblest citizens are enlisted in the service of the 
state. And now, when you have duly lamented, every one his 
own dead, you may depart." 

QUESTIONS 

I. Why did Pericles object to a funeral oration? 2. What, accord- 
ing to the speech of Pericles, were the characteristics of the Athenian 
people that had rendered it great? 3. How many of these things are 
admirable? 4. What effect would such a funeral service have upon 
the people of Athens? 5. Do you suppose that Thucydides has repro- 
duced the exact words of the speech delivered by Pericles? 6. How 
did Thucydides know what Pericles said? 7. Read the speech aloud. 
It is one of the most famous orations ever composed. 

c. The Plague at Athens 

Thucydides, II, 47-54 

I. As soon as summer returned, the Peloponnesian army, com- 
prising as before two-thirds of the force of each confederate state, 
under the command of the Lacedemonian king Archidamus, the 
son of Zeuxidamus, invaded Attica, w^here they established them- 
selves and ravaged the country. They had not been there many 
days when the plague broke out at Athens for the first time. A 
similar disorder is said to have previously smitten many places, 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 187 

particularly Lemnos, but there is no record of such a pestilence 
occurring elsewhere, or of so great a destruction of human life. 
For a while physicians, in ignorance of the nature of the disease, 
sought to apply remedies; but it was in vain, and they themselves 
were among the first victims, because they oftenest came into con- 
tact with it. No human art was of any avail, and as to supplica- 
tions in temples, inquiries of oracles, and the like, they were utterly 
useless, and at last men were overpowered by the calamity and 
gave them all up. 

The disease is said to have begun south of Egypt in Ethi- 
opia; thence it descended into Egypt and Libya, and after spread- 
ing over the greater part of the Persian empire, suddenly fell upon 
Athens. It first attacked the inhabitants of the Piraeus, and it was 
supposed that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the cisterns, no 
conduits having as yet been made there. It afterwards reached 
the upper city, and then the mortality became far greater. As to 
its probable origin or the causes which might or could have pro- 
duced such a disturbance of nature, every man, whether a phy- 
sician or not, will give his own opinion. But I shall describe its 
actual course, and the symptoms by which any one who knows 
them beforehand may recognize the disorder should it ever re- 
appear. For I was myself attacked, and w^itnessed the suffer- 
ings of others. 

The season was admitted to have been remarkably free from 
ordinary sickness; and if anybody was already ill of any other 
disease, it was absorbed in this. Many who were in perfect health, 
all in a moment, and without any apparent reason, were seized with 
violent heats in the head and with redness and inflammation of the 
eyes. Internally the throat and the tongue were quickly suffused 
with blood, and the breath became unnatural and fetid. There 
followed sneezing and hoarseness ; in a short time the disorder, ac- 
companied by a violent cough, reached the chest; then fastening 
lower down, it would move the stomach and bring on all the 



i88 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

vomits of bile to which physicians have ever given names; and 
they were very distressing. An ineffectual retching producing 
violent convulsions attacked most of the sufferers ; some as soon 
as the previous symptoms had abated, others not until long after- 
wards. The body externally was not so very hot to the touch, nor 
yet pale; it was of a livid color incHning to red, and breaking out 
in pustules and ulcers. But the internal fever was intense; the 
sufferers could not bear to have on them even the finest linen gar- 
ment ; they insisted on being naked, and there was nothing which 
they longed for more eagerly than to throw themselves into cold 
water. And many of those who had no one to look after them 
actually plunged into the cisterns, for they were tormented by un- 
ceasing thirst, which was not in the least assuaged whether they 
drank little or much. They could not sleep ; a restlessness which 
was intolerable never left them. While the disease was at its 
height the body, instead of wasting away, held out amid these suf- 
ferings in a marvellous manner, and either they died on the seventh 
or ninth day, not of weakness, for their strength was not exhausted, 
but of internal fever, which was the end of most ; . . . 

The general character of the malady no words can describe, 
and the fury with which it fastened upon each sufferer was too 
much for human nature to endure. There was one circumstance 
in particular which distinguished it from ordinary diseases. The 
birds and animals which feed on human flesh, although so many 
bodies were lying unburied, either never came near them, or died 
if they touched them. This was proved by a remarkable dis- 
appearance of the birds of prey, which were not to be seen either 
about the bodies or anywhere else; while in the case of the dogs 
the result was even more obvious, because they live with man. 

Such was the general nature of the disease: I omit many 
strange pecuharities which characterized individual cases. None 
of the ordinary sicknesses attacked any one while it lasted, or, if 
they did, they ended in the plague. Some of the sufferers died 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 189 

from want of care, others equally who were receiving the greatest 
attention. No single remedy could be deemed a specific; for that 
which did good to one did harm to another. No constitution was 
of itself strong enough to resist or weak enough to escape the 
attacks ; the disease carried off all alike and defied every mode of 
treatment. Most appaUing was the despondency which seized 
upon any one who felt himself sickening; for he instantly aban- 
doned his mind to despair, and, instead of holding out, absolutely 
threw away his chance of life. Appalling, too, was the rapidity 
with which men caught the infection; dying like sheep if they 
attended on one another; and this was the principal cause of 
mortahty. When they were afraid to visit one another, the suf- 
ferers died in their solitude, so that many houses were empty 
because there had been no one left to take care of the sick; or 
if they ventured they perished, especially those who aspired to 
heroism. For they went to see their friends without thought of 
themselves and were ashamed to leave them, at a time when the 
very relations of the dying were at last growing weary and ceased 
even to make lamentations, overwhelmed by the vastness of the 
calamity. But whatever instances there may have been of such 
devotion, more often the sick and the dying were tended by the 
pitying care of those who had recovered, because they knew the 
course of the disease and were themselves free from apprehension. 
For no one was ever attacked a second time, or not with a fatal 
result. All men congratulated them, and they themselves, in the 
excess of their joy at the moment, had an innocent fancy that they 
could not die of any other sickness. 

The crowding of the people out of the country into the city 
aggravated the misery; and the newly arrived suffered most. 
For, having no houses of their own, but inhabiting in the height of 
summer stifling huts, the mortality among them was dreadful, and 
they perished in wild disorder. The dead lay as they had died, 
one upon another, while others hardly alive wallowed in the streets 



IQO SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

and crawled about every fountain craving for water. The temples 
in which they lodged were full of the corpses of those who died in 
them; for the violence of the calamity was such that men, not 
knowing where to turn, grew reckless of all law, human and divine. 
The customs which had hitherto been observed at funerals were 
universally violated, and they buried their dead each one as best 
he could. Many, having no proper appliances, because the deaths 
in their household had been so numerous already, lost all shame in 
the burial of the dead. When one man had raised a funeral pile, 
others would come, and throwing on their dead first, set fire to it ; or 
when some other corpse was already burning, before they could be 
stopped, would throw their own dead upon it and depart. 

There were other and worse forms of lawlessness which the 
plague introduced at Athens. Men, who had hitherto concealed 
what they took pleasure in, now grew bolder. For, seeing the 
sudden change, — how the rich died in a moment, and those w^ho 
had nothing immediately inherited their property, — they reflected 
that life and riches were alike transitory, arid they resolved to en- 
joy themselves while they could, and to think only of pleasure. 
Who w^ould be willing to sacrifice himself to the law of honor when 
he knew not whether he w^ould ever live to be held in honor ? The 
pleasure of the moment and any sort of thing which conduced to it 
took the place both of honor and of expediency. No fear of Gods 
or law of man deterred a criminal. Those w^ho saw all perishing 
alike, thought that the worship or neglect of the gods made no 
difference. For offences against human law no punishment was 
to be feared ; no one would live long enough to be called to account. 
Already a far heavier sentence had been passed and was hanging 
over a man's head; before that fell, why should he not take a little 
pleasure ? 

Such was the grievous calamity which now afflicted the 
Athenians ; within the walls their people were dying, and without, 
their country was being ravaged. . . . 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 191 

QUESTIONS 

I. Where did the plague come from? 2. How did Thucydides 
know what it was like? 3. What is the value of such evidence com- 
pared with Pausanias' account of the Spartan conquest of the Pelo- 
ponnesus, with Herodotus' or Plutarch^s description of the battle of 
Salamis or ^schylus' description of the same battle? 4. Describe 
the effects of the plague on the people of Athens. 

d. The Siege of Plataea 

Thucydides, II, 75-78 

I. After this appeal to the gods he began military opera-* 
tions. In the first place, the soldiers felled the fruit-trees and 
surrounded the city with a stockade, that henceforth no one might 
get out. They then began to raise a mound against it, thinking 
that with so large an army at work, this would be the speediest 
way of taking the place. So they cut timber from Cithaeron, and 
built on either side of the intended mound a frame of logs placed 
cross-wise, in order that the material might not scatter. Thither 
they carried wood, stones, earth, and anything which would fill 
up the vacant space. They continued raising the mound seventy 
days and seventy nights w^ithout intermission; the army was 
divided into relays, and one party worked while the other slept 
and ate. The Lacedemonian officers who commanded the contin- 
gents of the alHes stood over them and kept them at work. The 
Plataeans, seeing the mound rising, constructed a wooden frame, 
which they set upon the top of their own wall opposite the mound ; 
in this they inserted bricks, which they took from the neighboring 
houses; the wood served to strengthen and bind the structure 
together as it increased in height ; they also hung curtains of skins 
and hides in front; these were designed to protect the wood- work 
and the workers, and shield them against blazing arrows. The 
wooden wall rose high, but the mound rose quickly, too. Then 



192 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

the Plataeans had a new device : they made a hole in that part 
of the wall against which the mound pressed and drew in the 
earth. 

The Peloponnesians discovered what they were doing, and 
threw into the gap clay packed in wattles of reed, which could not 
scatter and like the loose earth be carried aw^ay. Whereupon the 
Plataeans, baffled in one plan, resorted to another. Calculating the 
direction, they dug a mine from the city to the mound and again 
drew the earth inward. For a long time their assailants did not 
find them out, and so what the Peloponnesians threw on was of 
little use, since the mound was always being drawn off below and 
setthng into the vacant space. But in spite of all their efforts, the 
Plataeans wxre afraid that their numbers would never hold out 
against so great an army ; and they devised yet another expedient. 
They left off working at the great building opposite the mound, 
and beginning at both ends, where the city w^all returned to its 
original lower height, they built an inner wall projecting inwards 
in the shape of a crescent, that if the first wall were taken the other 
might still be defensible. The enemy would be obHged to begin 
again and carry the mound right up to it, and as they advanced 
inwards would have their trouble all over again, and be exposed 
to missiles on both flanks. While the mound was rising the Pelo- 
ponnesians brought battering engines up to the wall; one which 
was moved forward on the mound itself shook a great part of the 
raised building, to the terror of the Plataeans. They brought up 
others, too, at other points of the wall. But the Plataeans dropped 
nooses over the ends of these engines and drew^ them up; they 
also let down huge beams suspended at each end by long iron chains 
from two poles leaning on the wall and projecting over it. These 
beams they drew up at right angles to the advancing battering- 
ram, and whenever at any point it was about to attack them they 
slackened their hold of the chains and let go the beam, which fell 
with great force and snapped off the head of the ram. 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 193 

At length the Peloponnesians, finding that their engines were 
useless, and that the new wall was rising opposite to the mound, 
and perceiving that they could not without more formidable 
means of attack hope to take the city, made preparations for a 
blockade. But first of all they resolved to try whether, the wind 
favoring, the place, which was but small, could not be set on fire ; 
they were anxious not to incur the expense of a regular siege, and 
devised all sorts of plans in order to avoid it. So they brought 
faggots and threw them down from the mound along the space 
between it and the wall, which was soon filled up, when so many 
hands were at work; then they threw more faggots one upon 
another into the city as far as they could reach from the top of the 
mound, and casting in Hghted brands with brimstone and pitch, 
set them all on fire. A flame arose of which the like had never 
before been made by the hand of man ; I am not speaking of fires 
in the mountains, w^hen the forest has spontaneously blazed up 
from the action of the wind and mutual attrition. There was a 
great conflagration, and the Plataeans, who had thus far escaped, 
were all but destroyed; a considerable part of the town was un- 
approachable, and if a wind had come on and carried the flame 
that way, as the enemy hoped, they could not have been saved. It 
is said that there was also a violent storm of thunder and rain, 
which quenched the flames and put an end to the danger. 

The Peloponnesians, having failed in this, as in their for- 
mer attempts, sent away a part of their army but retained the 
rest, and dividing the task among the contingents of the several 
cities, surrounded Plataea with a wall. Trenches, out of which 
they took clay for the bricks, were formed both on the inner and 
the outer side of the wall. About the rising of Arcturus all was 
completed. They then drew off their army, leaving a guard on 
one half of the wall, while the other half was guarded by the 
Boeotians; the disbanded troops returned to their homes. The 
Plataeans had already conveyed to Athens their wives, children, 



194 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

and old men, with the rest of their unserviceable population. 
Those who remained during the siege were four hundred Plataeans, 
eighty Athenians, and a hundred and ten w^omen to make bread. 
These were their exact numbers when the siege began. There 
was no one else, slave or freeman, w^ithin the walls. In such sort 
was the blockade of Plataea completed. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe the siege works built by the Spartans around Plataea. 
2. How did the Plataeans defend the city? 3. What methods did the 
Spartans adopt to destroy the city? 4. To what plan did the besiegers 
finally resort to take the city? 5. How could Thucydides learn of this 
siege ? 6. Would his account be more or less valuable than the account 
of the battle of Salamis by Plutarch ? 

e. Siege of Sphacteria 

Thucydides, IV, 26-41 

I. At Pylos, meanwhile, the Athenians continued to blockade 
the Lacedemonians in the island, and the Peloponnesian forces 
on the mainland remained in their old position. The watch w^as 
harassing to the Athenians, for they were in want both of food and 
water ; there was only one small well, which was in the acropolis, 
and the soldiers were commonly in the habit of scraping away the 
shingle on the seashore, and drinking such water as they could get. 
The Athenian garrison was crowded into a narrow space, and, 
their ships having no regular anchorage, the crews took their meals 
on land by turns ; one half of the army eating while the other lay 
at anchor in the open sea. The unexpected length of the siege 
was a great discouragement to them; they had hoped to starve 
their enemies out in a few days, for they were on a desert island, 
and had only brackish water to drink. The secret of this pro- 
tracted resistance was a proclamation issued by the Lacedemonians 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 195 

offering large fixed prices, and freedom, if he were a helot, to any 
one who would convey into the island meal, wine, cheese, or any 
other provision suitable for a besieged place. Many braved the 
danger, especially the helots ; they started from all points of Pelo- 
ponnesus, and before daybreak bore down upon the shore of the 
island looking towards the open sea. They took especial care to 
have a strong wind in their favor, since they were less likely to be 
discovered by the triremes when it blew hard from the sea. The 
blockade was then impracticable, and the crews of the boats were 
perfectly reckless in running them aground ; for a value had been 
set upon them, and Lacedemonian hoplites were waiting to re- 
ceive them about the landing-places of the island. All, however, 
who ventured when the sea was calm were captured. Some too 
dived and swam by way of the harbor, drawing after them by a 
cord skins containing pounded hnseed and poppy-seeds mixed with 
honey. At first they were not found out, but afterwards watches 
were posted. The two parties had all sorts of devices, the one 
determined to send in food, the other to detect them. 

When the Athenians heard that their own army was suffer- 
ing and that suppHes were introduced into the island, they began to 
be anxious and were apprehensive that the blockade might extend 
into the winter. They reflected that the conveyance of necessa- 
ries round the Peloponnese would then be impracticable. Their 
troops were in a desert place, to which, even in summer, they were 
not able to send a sufficient supply. The coast was without har- 
bors; and therefore it would be impossible to maintain the 
blockade. Either the watch would be relaxed and the men would 
escape; or, taking advantage of a storm, they might sail away in 
the ships which brought them food. Above all they feared that 
the Lacedemonians, who no longer made overtures to them, must 
now be reassured of the strength of their own position, and they 
regretted having rejected their advances. Cleon, knowing that 
he was an object of general mistrust because he had stood in the 



196 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

way of peace, challenged the reports of the messengers from Pylos ; 
who rejoined that, if their words were not beheved, the Athenians 
should send commissioners of their own. And so Theogenes and 
Cleon himself were chosen commissioners. As he knew that he 
could only confirm the report of the messengers whom he was 
calumniating, or would be convicted of falsehood if he contra- 
dicted them, observing too that the Athenians were now more 
disposed to take active measures, he advised them not to send com- 
missioners, which would only be a loss of valuable time, but, if 
they were themselves satisfied with the report, to send a fleet against 
the island. Pointedly alluding to Nicias, the son of Niceratus, 
who was one of the generals and an enemy of his, he declared 
sarcastically that, if the generals were men, they might easily sail 
with an expedition to the island and take the garrison, and that 
this was what he would certainly have done, had he been 
general. 

Nicias perceived that the multitude were murmuring at Cleon 
and asking '^why he did not sail in any case, — now was his 
time if he thought the capture of Sphacteria to be such an easy 
matter''; and hearing him find fault, he told him that, as far as 
they, the generals, were concerned, he might take any force which 
he required and try. Cleon at first imagined that the offer of Nicias 
was only a pretence, and was willing to go; but finding that he 
was in earnest, he tried to back out, and said that not he but Nicias 
was general. He was now alarmed, for he never imagined that 
Nicias would go so far as to give up his place to him. Again Nicias 
bade him take the command of the expedition against Pylos, which 
he formally gave up to him in the presence of the assembly. And 
the more Cleon declined the proffered command and tried to 
retract what he had said, so much the more the multitude, as 
their manner is, urged Nicias to resign and shouted to Cleon that 
he should sail. At length, not knowing how to escape from his 
own words, he undertook the expedition, and, coming forward, 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 197 

said that he was not afraid of the Lacedemonians, and that he 
would sail without taking a single man from the city if he were 
allowed to have the Lemnian and Imbrian forces now at Athens, 
the auxiliaries from ^^nus, who were targe teers, and four hundred 
archers from other places. With these and with the troops al- 
ready at Pylos he gave his word that within twenty days he would 
either bring the Lacedemonians ahve or kill them on the spot. 
His vain words moved the Athenians to laughter; nevertheless 
the wiser sort of men were pleased when they reflected that of two 
good things they could not fail to obtain one — either there w^ould 
be no more trouble with Cleon, which they would have greatly 
preferred, or, if they were disappointed, he would put the Lace- 
demonians into their hands. 

When he had concluded the affair in the assembly, and the 
Athenians had passed the necessary vote for his expedition, he 
made choice of Demosthenes, one of the generals at Pylos, to be 
his colleague, and proceeded to sail with all speed. He selected 
Demosthenes because he heard that he was already intending to 
make an attack upon the island; for the soldiers, w^ho were suffer- 
ing much from the discomfort of the place, in which they were 
rather besieged than besiegers, were eager to strike a decisive blow. 
He had been much encouraged by a fire which had taken place in 
the island. It had previously been nearly covered with w^ood and 
was pathless, having never been inhabited; and he had feared 
that the nature of the country would give the enemy an advan- 
tage. For, however large the force with which he landed, the 
Lacedemonians might attack him from some place of ambush 
and do him much injury. Their mistakes and the character of 
their forces would be concealed by the wood; whereas all the 
errors made by his own army would be palpable, and so the enemy, 
with whom the power of attack would rest, might come upon them 
suddenly wherever they liked. And if they were compelled to go 
into the wood and there engage, a smaller force which knew the 



igS SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

ground would be more than a match for the larger number who 
were unacquainted with it. Their own army, however numerous, 
w^ould be destroyed without knowing it, for they w^ould not be 
able to see where they needed one another's assistance. 

Demosthenes was led to make these reflections from his ex- 
perience in /Etolia, wliere his defeat had been in a great measure 
owing to the forest. However, while the Athenian soldiers were 
taking their midday meal, with a guard posted in advance, at the 
extremity of the island, compelled as they wxre by want of room to 
land on the edge of the shore at meal-times, some one unintention- 
ally set fire to a portion of the wood; a wind came on; and from 
this accident, before they knew w^hat was happening, the greater 
part of it w^as burnt. Demosthenes, w^ho had previously sus- 
pected that the Lacedemonians when they sent in provisions to 
the besieged had exaggerated their number, saw that the men were 
more numerous than he had imagined. He saw too the increased 
zeal of the Athenians, who were now convinced that the attempt 
was worth making ; and the island seemed to him more accessible. 
So he prepared for the descent, despatching messengers to the 
allies in the neighborhood for additional forces and putting all in 
readiness. Cleon sent and announced to Demosthenes his ap- 
proach, and soon afterwards, bringing with him the army w^hich 
he had requested, himself arrived at Pylos. On the meeting of 
the tw^o generals they first of all sent a herald to the Lacedemonian 
force on the mainland, proposing that they should avoid any fur- 
ther risk by ordering the men in the island to surrender with their 
arms; they were to be placed under surveillance but well treated 
until a general peace was concluded. 

Finding that their proposal was rejected, the Athenians 
waited for a day, and on the night of the day following put off, 
taking with them all their heavy-armed troops, whom they had 
embarked in a few ships. A Httle before dawn they landed on 
both sides of the island, towards the sea and towards the harbor, a 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 199 

force amounting in all to about eight hundred men. They then 
ran as fast as they could to the first station on the island. Now 
the disposition of the enemy was as follows : This first station was 
garrisoned by about thirty hoplites, while the main body under 
the command of Epitadas was posted near the spring in the centre 
of the island, where the ground was most level. A small force 
guarded the furthest extremity of the island opposite Pylos, which 
was precipitous towards the sea, and on the land side the strongest 
point of all, being protected to some extent by an ancient wall 
made of rough stones, which the Spartans thought would be of use 
to them if they were overpowered and compelled to retreat. Such 
was the disposition of the Lacedemonian troops. 

The Athenians rushed upon the first garrison and cut them 
down, half asleep as they were and just snatching up their arms. 
Their landing had been unobserved, the enemy supposing that 
the ships were only gone to keep the customary watch for the night. 
When the dawn appeared, the rest of the army began to disembark. 
They were the crews of rather more than seventy ships, includ- 
ing all but the lowest rank of rowers, variously equipped. There 
were also archers to the number of eight hundred, and as many 
targeteers, besides the Messenian auxiKaries and all who were on 
duty about Pylos, except the guards who could not be spared from 
the walls of the fortress. Demosthenes divided them into parties 
of two hundred more or less, who seized the highest points of the 
island in order that the enemy, being completely surrounded and 
distracted by the number of their opponents, might not know whom 
they should face first, but might be exposed to missiles on every 
side. For if they attacked those who were in front, they would be 
assailed by those behind ; and if those on one flank, by those posted 
on the other; and whichever way they moved, the light-armed 
troops of the enemy were sure to be in their rear. These were their 
most embarrassing opponents, because they were armed with bows 
and javelins and slings and stones, which could be used with effect 



200 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

at a distance. Even to approach them was impossible, for they 
conquered in their very flight, and when an enemy retreated, 
pressed close at his heels. Such was the plan of the descent which 
Demosthenes had in his mind, and which he now carried into 
execution. 

The main body of the Lacedemonians on the island under 
Epitadas, when they saw the first garrison cut to pieces and an 
army approaching them, drew up in battle array. The Athenian 
hoplites were right in front, and the Lacedemonians advanced 
against them, wanting to come to close quarters; but having 
light-armed adversaries both on their flank and rear, they could not 
get at them or profit by their own military skill, for they were im- 
peded by a shower of missiles from both sides. Meanwhile the 
Athenians instead of going to meet them remained in position, 
while the light-armed again and again ran up and attacked the 
Lacedemonians, w^ho drove them back where they pressed closest. 
But though compelled to retreat they still continued fighting, 
being lightly equipped and easily getting the start of their enemies. 
The ground was difficult and rough, the island having been unin- 
habited ; and the Lacedemonians, who were encumbered by their 
arms, could not pursue them in such a place. 

For some little time these skirmishes continued. But soon 
the Lacedemonians became too w^eary to rush out upon their as- 
sailants, who began to be sensible that their resistance grew feebler. 
The sight of their own number, which was many times that of the 
enemy, encouraged them more than anything; they soon found 
that their losses were trifling compared with what they had ex- 
pected; and familiarity made them think their opponents much 
less formidable than when they first landed, cowed by the fear of 
facing Lacedemonians. They now despised them and with a 
loud cry rushed upon them in a body, hurling at them stones, 
arrows, javelins, whichever came first to hand. The shout with 
which they accompanied the attack dismayed the Lacedemonians, 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 201 

who were unaccustomed to this kind of warfare. Clouds of dust 
arose from the newly-burnt w^ood, and there was no possibility 
of a man's seeing what was before him, owing to the showers of 
arrows and stones hurled by their assailants . which were flying 
amid the dust. And now the Lacedemonians began to be sorely 
distressed, for their felt cuirasses did not protect them against the 
arrows, and the points of the javelins broke off where they struck 
them. They were at their wits' end, not being able to see out of 
their eyes or to hear the word of command, which w^as drowned 
by the cries of the enemy. Destruction was staring them in the 
face, and they had no means or hope of deliverance. 

At length, finding that so long as they fought in the same 
narrow spot more and more of their men were wounded, they 
closed their ranks and fell back on the last fortification of the 
island, which was not far off, and where their other garrison w^as 
stationed. Instantly the light-armed troops of the Athenians 
pressed upon them with fresh confidence, redoubling their cries. 
Those of the Lacedemonians who were caught by them on the way 
were killed, but the greater number escaped to the fort and ranged 
themselves with the garrison, resolved to defend the heights wher- 
ever they were assailable. The Athenians followed, but the 
strength of the position made it impossible to surround and cut 
them off, and so they attacked them in face and tried to force them 
back. For a long time, and indeed during the greater part of the 
day, both armies, although suffering from the battle and thirst 
and the heat of the sun, held their own; the one endeavoring to 
thrust their opponents from the high ground, the other determined 
not to give way. But the Lacedemonians now defended them- 
selves with greater ease, because they were not liable to be taken 
in flank. 

There was no sign of the end. At length the general of the 
Messenian contingent came to Cleon and Demosthenes and told 
them that the army was throwing away its pains, but if they would 



202 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

give him some archers and Hght-armed troops and let him find a 
path by which he might get round in the rear of the Lacedemonians, 
he thought that he could force the approach. Having obtained 
his request he started from a point out of sight of the enemy, and 
making his way w^herever the broken ground afforded a footing 
and where the cliff was so steep that no guards had been set, he 
and his men with great difficulty got round unseen and suddenly 
appeared on the summit in their rear, striking panic into the as- 
tonished enemy and redoubling the courage of his own friends 
who were watching for his reappearance. The Lacedemonians 
were now assailed on both sides, and to compare a smaller thing 
to a greater, were in the same case with their own countrymen at 
Thermopylae. For as they perished w^hen the Persians found a 
way round by the path, so now the besieged garrison wxre at- 
tacked on both sides, and no longer resisted. The disparity of 
numbers, and the failure of bodily strength arising from want of 
food, compelled them to fall back, and the Athenians were at length 
masters of the approaches. 

Cleon and Demosthenes saw that if the Lacedemonians gave 
way one step more they would be destroyed by the Athenians; 
so they stopped the engagement and held back their own army, 
for they wanted, if possible, to bring them alive to Athens. They 
were in hopes that when they heard the offer of terms their courage 
might be broken, and that thiey might be induced by their des- 
perate situation to yield up their arms. Accordingly they pro- 
claimed to them that they might, if they would, surrender at 
discretion to the Athenians themselves and their arms. 

Upon hearing the proclamation most of them lowered their 
shields and waved their hands in token of their willingness to 
yield. A truce was made, and then Cleon and Demosthenes on 
the part of the Athenians, and Styphon, the son of Pharax, on the 
part of the Lacedemonians, held a parley. Epitadas, who was 
the first in command, had been already slain; Hippagretas, who 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 203 

was next in succession, lay among the slain for dead; and Styphon 
had taken the place of the two others, having been appointed, as 
the law prescribed, in case anything should happen to them. He 
and his companions expressed their wish to communicate with the 
Lacedemonians on the mainland as to the course which they should 
pursue. The Athenians allowed none of them to stir, but them- 
selves invited heralds from the shore ; and after two or three com- 
munications, the herald who came over last from the body of the 
army brought back word, ''The Lacedemonians bid you act as 
you think best, but you are not to dishonor yourselves.'' Where- 
upon they consulted together, and then gave up themselves and 
their arms. During that day and the following night the Athe- 
nians kept guard over them ; on the next day they set up a trophy 
on the island and made preparations to sail, distributing the pris- 
oners among the trierarchs. The Lacedemonians sent a herald 
and conveyed away their own dead. The number of the dead and 
the prisoners was as follows: Four hundred and twenty hoplites 
in all passed over into the island; of these, two hundred and 
ninety-two were brought to Athens aUve, the remainder had per- 
ished. Of the survivors the Spartans numbered about a hundred 
and twenty. But few Athenians fell, for there was no regular 
engagement. 

Reckoned from the sea-fight to the final battle in the island, 
the time during which the blockade lasted w^as ten weeks and two 
days. For about three weeks the Lacedemonians were supplied 
with food while the Spartan ambassadors were gone to solicit peace, 
but during the rest of this time they Hved on what was brought in 
by stealth. A store of corn and other provisions was found in the 
island at the time of the capture; for the commander Epitadas 
had not served out full rations. The Athenians and Pelopon- 
nesians now withdrew their armies from Pylos and returned home. 
And the mad promise of Cleon was fulfilled ; for he did bring back 
the prisoners within twenty days, as he had said. 



204 SOURCE BOOK' OF GREEK HISTORY 

Nothing which happened during the war caused greater 
amazement in Hellas; for it w^as universally imagined that the 
Lacedemonians would never give up their arms, either under the 
pressure of famine or in any other extremity, but would fight to the 
last and die sword in hand. No one would believe that those who 
surrendered were men of the same quality with those who perished. 
There is a story of a reply made by a captive taken in the island to 
one of the Athenian aUies who had sneeringly asked ' ' Where were 
their brave men — all killed?" He answered that ''The spindle'' 
(meaning the arrow) ''would be indeed a valuable weapon if it 
picked out the brave." He meant to say that the destruction 
caused by the arrows and stones was indiscriminate. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What were the positions of the Athenians and the Laconians at 
Pylos? 2. Why could the Athenians not take Sphacteria? 3. How 
did Cleon happen to be placed in command of the army sent against the 
Spartans in Sphacteria? 4. If the account by Thucydides is correct, 
what do you think of this act of the Athenian assembly? 5. What is 
evidently Thucydides' opinon of Cleon ? 6. Does it affect the value of 
his statements about him? 7. What step did Cleon at once take to 
insure the success of the undertaking? 8. What happened before his 
arrival that increased the chances of success ? 9. How did the Athenians 
gain a foothold on the island? 10. To what was the Athenian victory 
due? II. Did the Spartans on Sphacteria show themselves as brave 
as their ancestors at Thermopylae? 12. What impression was made 
on the Greek world by their surrender? 

f. Truce of 423 B.C. 

Thucydides, IV, 11 7-1 19 

I. ... So they made a truce for themselves and their aUies 
in the following terms : — 

^'I. Concerning the temple and oracle of the Pythian Apollo, 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 205 

it seems good to us that any one who will, shall ask counsel 
thereat without fraud and without fear, according to his an- 
cestral customs. To this we, the Lacedemonians and their allies 
here present, agree, and we will send heralds to the Boeotians and 
Phocians, and do our best to gain their assent likewise. 

'^11. Concerning the treasures of the God, we will take measures 
for the detection of evil-doers, both you and we, according to our 
ancestral customs, and any one else who will, according to his 
ancestral customs, proceeding always with right and equity. Thus 
it seems good to the Lacedemonians and their aUies in respect of 
these matters. 

*^IIL It further seems good to the Lacedemonians and their 
allies that, if the Athenians consent to a truce, either party shall 
remain within his own territory, retaining what he has. The 
Athenians at Coryphasium shall keep between Buphras and 
Tomeus. They shall remain at Cythera, but shall not communi- 
cate with the Lacedemonian confederacy, neither we with them 
nor they with us. The Athenians who are in Nisaea and Minoa 
shall not cross the road which leads from the gates of the shrine of 
Nisus to the temple of Poseidon, and from the temple of Poseidon 
goes direct to the bridge leading to Minoa ; neither shall the Me- 
garians and their alKes cross this road; the Athenians shall hold 
the island which they have taken, neither party communicating 
with the other. They shall also hold what they now hold near 
Troezen, according to the agreement concluded between the 
Athenians and Troezenians. 

'^IV. At sea the Lacedemonians and their allies may sail along 
their own coasts and the coasts of the confederacy, not in ships of 
war, but in any other rowing vessel whose burden does not exceed 
five hundred talents. 

''V. There shall be a safe-conduct both by sea and land for a 
herald, with envoys and any number of attendants which may be 
agreed upon, passing to and fro between Peloponnesus and Athens, 



2o6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

to make arrangements about the termination of the war and about 
the arbitration of disputed points. 

*'VI. While the truce lasts, neither party, neither we nor you, 
shall receive deserters, either bond or free. 

^'VII. And we will give satisfaction to you and you shall give 
satisfaction to us according to our ancestral customs, and deter- 
mine disputed points by arbitration and not by arms. 

"These things seem good to us, the Lacedemonians, and to our 
allies. But if you deem any other condition more just or honor- 
able, go to Lacedemon and explain your view^s; neither the 
Lacedemonians nor their allies w^ill reject any just claim which 
you may prefer. 

"And we desire you, as you desire us, to send envoys invested 
with full powers. 

"This truce shall be for a year. 

"The Athenian people passed the following decree. The pry- 
tanes w^ere of the tribe Acamantis, Phaenippus was the registrar, 
Niciades was the president. Laches moved that a truce be con- 
cluded on the terms to which the Lacedemonians and their allies 
had consented; and might it be for the best interests of the Athe- 
nian people ! Accordingly the assembly agreed that the truce shall 
last for a year, beginning from this day, being the fourteenth day 
of the month Elaphebolion. During the year of truce ambassadors 
and heralds are to go from one state to another and discuss pro- 
posals for the termination of the war. The generals and prytanes 
shall proceed to hold another assembly, at which the people shall 
discuss, first of all, the question of peace, whatever proposal 
the Lacedemonian embassy may offer about the termination of 
the war. The embassies now present shall bind themselves on the 
spot, in the presence of the assembly, to abide for a year by the 
truce just made." 

119. To these terms the Lacedemonians assented, and they and 
their allies took oath to the Athenians and their allies on the twelfth 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 207 

day of the Spartan month Gerastius. Those who formally ratified 
the truce were, on behalf of Lacedemon, Taurus, the son of Eche- 
timidas, Athenaeus, the son of Periclidas, Philocharidas, the son 
of Eryxidaidas; of Corinth, i^neas, the son of Ocytus, Euphami- 
das, the son of Aristonymus; of Sicyon, Damotimus, the son of 
Naucrates, Onasimus, the son of Megacles; of Megara, Nicasus, 
the son of (Ecalus, Menecrates, the son of Amphidorus; of Epi- 
daurus, Amphias, the son of Eupaidas; and on behalf of Athens, 
Nicostratus, the son of Diitrephes, Nicias, the son of Niceratus, 
Autocles, the son of Tolmaeus. Such w^ere the terms of the armis- 
tice; during its continuance fresh negotiations for a final peace 
were constantly carried on. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What kind of a document (one or more?) is this? Examine the 
wording of it carefully. 2. Point out the conditions that would have 
been dififerent had peace been made and not a truce. 3. What proofs 
do you find of the importance of religion in Greek life? 4. What ref- 
erence do you find to a modern method of settling international disputes? 
5. What parts of the government in Athens took part in the making of 
this truce? 6. Did the Athenians and Spartans name their months as 
we do? 7. What states signed this truce on either side? 

g. Peace of Nicias, 421 B.C. 

Thucydides, V, 17-19 

I. He was vexed by these accusations, and thinking that in 
peace, when there would be no mishaps, and when the Lace- 
demonians would have recovered the captives, he would himself 
be less open to attack, whereas in war leading men must always 
have the misfortunes of the state laid at their door, he was very 
anxious to come to terms. Negotiations were commenced during 
the winter. Towards spring the Lacedemonians sounded a note 
of preparation by announcing to the allies that their services would 



2o8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

be required in the erection of a fort; they thought that the Atheni- 
ans would thereby be induced to listen to them. At the same time, 
after many conferences and many demands urged on both sides, 
an understanding was at last arrived at, that both parties should 
give up what they had gained by arms. The Athenians, however, 
were to retain Nisaea, for when they demanded the restoration of 
Plataea, the Thebans protested that they had obtained possession of 
the place not by force or treachery, but by agreement; to which 
the Athenians rejoined that they had obtained Nisaea in the same 
manner. The Lacedemonians then summoned their allies; and 
although the Boeotians, Corinthians, Eleans, and Megarians were 
dissatisfied, the majority voted for peace. And so the peace was 
finally concluded and ratified by oaths and libations, the Lace- 
demonians binding themselves to the Athenians and the Atheni- 
ans to the Lacedemonians in the following terms : — 

^^The Athenians and Lacedemonians and their respective allies 
make peace upon the following terms, to which they swear, each 
city separately: — 

^'L Touching the common temples, any one who pleases may 
go and sacrifice in them and inquire at them, on behalf either 
of himself or of the state, according to the custom of his country, 
both by land and sea, without fear. 

''IL The precinct and the temple of Apollo at Delphi and the 
Delphian people shall be independent, and shall retain their own 
revenues and their own courts of justice, both for themselves and 
for their territory, according to their ancestral customs. 

''IIL The peace between the Athenians and their confederates 
and the Lacedemonians and their confederates shall endure fifty 
years, both by sea and land, without fraud or hurt. 

^'IV. They shall not be allowed to bear arms to the hurt of one 
another in any way or manner; neither the Lacedemonians and 
their allies against the Athenians and their aUies, nor the Athe- 
nians and their allies against the Lacedemonians and their allies; 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 209 

and they shall determine any controversy which may arise be- 
tween them by oaths and other legal means in such sort as they 
shall agree. 

^'V. The Lacedemonians and their alHes shall restore Am- 
phipolis to the Athenians. 

^^VI. The inhabitants of any cities which the Lacedemonians 
deliver over to the Athenians may depart whithersoever they 
please, and take their property with them. The said cities shall 
be independent, but shall pay the tribute which was fixed in the 
time of Aristides. After the conclusion of the treaty the Athenians 
and their allies shall not be allowed to make war upon them to 
their hurt, so long as they pay tribute. The cities are these ; — 
Argilus, Stagirus, Acanthus, Scolus, Olynthus, Spartolus: these 
shall be alHes neither of the Lacedemonians nor of the Athenians, 
but if the Athenians succeed in persuading them, having their con- 
sent, they may make them allies. 

^' VII. The Mecybernaeans, Sanaeans, and Singaeans shall 
dwell in their own cities on the same terms as the Olynthians and 
Acanthians. 

^'Vm. The Lacedemonians and the aUies shall restore Banac- 
tum to the Athenians. The Athenians shall restore to the Lace- 
demonians Coryphasium, Cythera, Methone, Pteleum, and 
Atalante. 

^'IX. The Athenians shall surrender the Lacedemonian cap- 
tives whom they have in their pubHc prison, or who are in the 
pubHc prison of any place within the Athenian dominions, and 
they shall let go the Peloponnesians who are besieged in Scione, 
and any other aUies of the Lacedemonians who are in Scione, 
and all whom Brasidas introduced into the place, and any of the 
alHes of the Lacedemonians who are in the pubHc prison at Athens, 
or in the pubHc prison of any place within the Athenian dominions. 
The Lacedemonians and their allies in like manner shall restore 
those of the Athenians and their allies who are their prisoners. 



2IO SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

^'X. Respecting Scione, Torone, and Sermyle^ or any cities 
which are held by the Athenians, the Athenians shall do with the 
inhabitants of the said cities, or of any cities which are held by 
them, as they think fit. 

"XL The Athenians shall bind themselves by oath to the 
Lacedemonians and their alHes, city by city, and the oath shall 
be that which in the several cities of the two contracting parties 
is deemed the most binding. The oath shall be in the following 
form : ' I will abide by this treaty and by this peace truly and sin- 
cerely.' The Lacedemonians and their allies shall bind themselves 
by a similar oath to the Athenians. This oath shall be renewed 
by both parties every year ; and they shall erect pillars at Olympia, 
Delphi, and the Isthmus, at Athens in the Acropolis, at Lace- 
demon in the temple of Apollo at Amyclae. 

"XII. If anything whatsoever be forgotten on one side or the 
other, either party may, without violation of their oaths, take 
honest counsel and alter the treaty in such manner as shall seem 
good to the two parties, the Athenians and Lacedemonians." 

The treaty begins, at Lacedemon in the Ephorate of Pleis tolas, 
and on the twenty-seventh day of the month Artemisium,- 
and at Athens in the archonship of Alcaeus, on the twenty-fifth 
day of the month Elaphebolion. The following persons took the 
oaths and ratified the treaty: On behalf of the Lacedemonians, 
Pleistolas, Damagetus, Chionis, Metagenes, Acanthus, Da'ithus, 
Ischagoras, Philocharidas, Zeuxidas, Antippus, Tellis, Alcinidas, 
Empedias, Menas, Laphilus ; on behalf of the Athenians, Lampon, 
Isthmionicus, Nicias, Laches, Euthydemus, Procles, Pythodorus, 
Hagnon, Myrtilus, Thrasycles, Theagenes, Aristocrates, lolcius, 
Timocrates, Leon, Lamachus, Demosthenes. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How were the negotiations for a permanent peace conducted? 
2. How did the states of the Peloponnesus attempt to force the Athe- 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 211 

nians to make peace? 3. Enumerate the terms of the peace and the 
measures to be used to insure its enforcement. 4. Which of these 
measures seem pecuHar to us? 5. What are our methods? 6. How 
many months elapsed between the making of the truce and the peace? 

B. The Sicilian Expedition 

Thucydides, VI, 30-32 

I. About the middle of summer the expedition started for 
Sicily. Orders had been previously given to most of the allies, 
to the corn-ships, the smaller craft, and generally to the vessels in 
attendance on the armament, that they should muster at Corcyra, 
whence the w^hole fleet was to strike across the Ionian gulf to the 
promontory of lapygia. Early in the morning of the day appointed 
for their departure, the Athenian forces and such of their allies as 
had already joined them went dow^n to the Piraeus and began to man 
the ships. Almost the entire population of Athens accompanied 
them, citizens and strangers alike. The citizens came to take 
farewell, one of an acquaintance, another of a kinsman, another of 
a son, and as they passed along were full of hope and full of tears; 
hope of conquering Sicily, tears because they doubted whether 
they would ever see their friends again, when they thought of the 
long voyage on which they were going away. At the last moment 
of parting the danger was nearer; and terrors which had never 
occurred to them when they were voting the expedition now en- 
tered into their souls. Nevertheless their spirits revived at the 
sight of the armament in all its strength and of the abundant pro- 
vision which they had made. The strangers and the rest of the 
multitude came out of curiosity, desiring to witness an enterprise 
of which the greatness exceeded belief. 

No armament so magnificent or costly had ever been sent 
out by any single Hellenic pow^er, though in mere number of ships 
and hoplites that which sailed to Epidaurus under Pericles and 
afterwards under Hagnon to Potidaea was not inferior. For that 



212 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

expedition consisted of a hundred Athenian and fifty Chian and 
Lesbian triremes, conveying four thousand hopHtes, all Athenian 
citizens, three hundred cavalry, and a multitude of allied troops. 
Still the voyage was short and the equipments were poor, whereas 
this expedition was intended to be long absent, and was thoroughly 
provided both for sea and land service, wherever its presence might 
be required. On the fleet the greatest pains and expense had been 
lavished by the trierarchs and the state. The pubhc treasury gave 
a drachma a day to each sailor, and furnished empty hulls for sixty 
swift-sailing vessels, and for forty transports carrying hoplites. All 
these were manned with the best crews which could be obtained. 
The trierarchs, besides the pay given by the state, added some- 
what more out of their own means to the wages of the upper ranks 
of rowers and of the petty officers. The figure-heads and other 
fittings provided by them were of the most costly description. 
Every one strove to the utmost that his own ship might excel both 
in beauty and swiftness The infantry had been well selected 
and the lists carefully made up There was the keenest rivalry 
among the soldiers in the matter of arms and personal equipment. 
And while at home the Athenians were thus competing with one 
another in the performance of their several duties, to the rest of 
Hellas the expedition seemed to be a grand display of their power 
and greatness, rather than a preparation for war. If any one had 
reckoned up the whole expenditure, both of the state and of in- 
dividual soldiers and others, including in the first not only what 
the city had already laid out, but what was intrusted to the generals, 
and in the second, what either at the time or afterwards private 
persons spent upon their outfit, or the trierarchs upon their ships, 
the provision for the long voyage which every one may be supposed 
to have carried with him over and above his public pay, and what 
soldiers or traders may have taken for purposes of exchange, he 
would have found that altogether an immense sum amounting 
to many talents was withdrawn from the city. Men were quite 






Fig. 14. Games 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 213 

amazed at the boldness of the scheme and the magnificence of 
the spectacle, which were everywhere spoken of, no less than at 
the great disproportion of the force when compared with that of 
the enemy against whom it was intended. Never had a greater 
expedition been sent to a foreign land ; never was there an enter- 
prise in w^hich the hope of future success seemed to be better 
justified by actual power. 

When the ships were manned and everything required for the 
voyage had been placed on board, silence was proclaimed by the 
sound of the trumpet, and all with one voice before setting sail 
offered up the customary prayers; these were recited, not in each 
ship separately, but by a single herald, the whole fleet accompany- 
ing him. On every deck both the officers and the marines, min- 
gling wine in bowls, made libations from vessels of gold and silver. 
The multitude of citizens and other well-wishers who were looking 
on from the land joined in the prayer. The crews reached the 
paean and, when the Hbations were completed, put to sea. After 
saiHng out for some distance in single file, the ships raced with 
one another as far as ^^gina; thence they hastened onwards to 
Corcyra, where the allies who formed the rest of the army were 
assembling. 

Thucydides, VII, 59-87 

2. The Syracusans and the alHes naturally thought that the 
struggle would be brought to a glorious end if, after having defeated 
the Athenian fleet, they took captive the whole of their great arma- 
ment, and did not allow them to escape either by sea or land. So 
they at once began to close the mouth of the Great Harbor, which 
was about a mile wide, by means of triremes, merchant-vessels, 
and small boats, placed broadside, which they moored there. 
They also made every preparation for a naval engagement, should 
the Athenians be willing to hazard another ; and all their thoughts 
were on a grand scale. 



214 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

The Athenians, seeing the closing of the harbor and inferring 
the intentions of the enemy, proceeded to hold a council. The 
generals and officers met and considered the difficulties of their 
position. The most pressing of all was the want of food. For 
they had already sent to Catana, when they intended to depart, 
and stopped the supplies for the present; and they could get no 
more in the future unless they recovered the command of the sea. 
They resolved therefore to quit their lines on the higher ground 
and to cut off by a cross-wall a space close to their ships, no greater 
than was absolutely required for their baggage and for their sick ; 
after leaving a guard there they meant to put on board every other 
man, and to launch all their ships, w^hether fit for service or not; 
they would then fight a decisive battle, and, if they conquered, go to 
Catana; but if not, they would burn their ships and retreat by 
land in good order, taking the fiearest way to some friendly coun- 
try, barbarian or Hellenic. This design they proceeded to exe- 
cute, and withdrawing quietly from the upper walls manned their 
whole fleet, compelling every man of any age at all suitable for 
service to embark. The entire number of the ships which they 
manned was about a hundred and ten. They put on board 
numerous archers and javelin-men, Acarnanians, and other for- 
eigners, and made such preparations for action as their difficult 
situation and the nature of their plan allowed. When all was 
nearly ready, Nicias, perceiving that his men were depressed by 
their severe defeat at sea, which was so new an experience to them, 
while at the same time the want of provisions made them impa- 
tient to risk a battle, with the least possible delay called the w^hole 
army together, and before they engaged exhorted them as 
follows: . . . 

Nicias, as soon as he had done speaking, gave orders to 
man the ships. GyHppus and the Syracusans could see clearly 
enough from the preparations which the Athenians were making 
that they were going to fight. But they had also previous notice. 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 215 

and had been told of the iron grapnels ; and they took precautions 
against this as against all the other devices of the Athenians. 
They covered the prows of their vessels with hides, extending a 
good way along the upper part of their sides, so that the grapnels 
might slip and find no hold. When all was ready, Gyhppus and 
the other generals exhorted their men in the following words : . . . 
When Gylippus and the other Syracusan generals had, like 
Nicias, encouraged their troops, perceiving the Athenians to be 
manning their ships, they presently did the same. Nicias, over- 
whelmed by the situation, and seeing how great and how near the 
peril was (for the ships were on the very point of rowing out), 
feeling too, as men do on the eve of a great struggle, that all which 
he had done was nothing, and that he had not said half enough, 
again addressed the trierarchs, and caUing each of them by his 
father's name, and his own name, and the name of his tribe, he 
entreated those who had made any reputation for themselves not 
to be false to it, and those whose ancestors were eminent not to 
tarnish their hereditary fame. He reminded them that they were 
the inhabitants of the freest country in the world, and how in 
Athens there was no interference w^ith the daily life, of any man. 
He spoke to them of their wives and children and their fathers' 
gods, as men will at such a time ; for then they do not care whether 
their commonplace phrases seem to be out of date or not, but 
loudly reiterate the old appeals, believing that they may be of some 
service at the awful moment. When he thought that he had ex- 
horted them, not enough, but as much as the scanty time allowed, 
he retired, and led the land-forces to the shore, extending the line 
as far as he could, so that they might be of the greatest use in 
encouraging the combatants on board ship. Demosthenes, »Me- 
nander, and Euthydemus, who had gone on board the Athenian 
fleet to take the command, now quitted their own station, and 
proceeded straight to the closed mouth of the harbor, intending to 
force their way to the open sea where a passage was still left. 



2i6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

The Syracusans and their aUies had already put out with 
nearly the same number of ships as before. A detachment of them 
guarded the entrance of the harbor ; the remainder were disposed 
all round it, in such a manner that they might fall on the Athenians 
from every side at once, and that their land-forces might at the 
same time be able to cooperate wherever the ships retreated to the 
shore. Sicanus and Agatharcus commanded the Syracusan fleet, 
each of them a wing; Pythen and the Corinthians occupied the 
centre. When the Athenians approached the closed mouth of 
the harbor the violence of their onset overpowered the ships which 
were stationed there ; they then attempted to loosen the fastenings. 
Whereupon from all sides the Syracusans and their allies came 
bearing down upon them, and the conflict was no longer confined 
to the entrance, but extended throughout the harbor. No pre- 
vious engagement had been so fierce and obstinate. Great was 
the eagerness with which the rowers on both sides rushed upon 
their enemies whenever the word of command was given ; and keen 
was the contest between the pilots as they manoeuvred one against 
another. The marines too were full of anxiety that, when ship 
struck ship, the service on deck should not fall short of the rest; 
every one in the place assigned to him was eager to be foremost 
among his fellows. Many vessels meeting — and never did so many 
fight in so small a space, for the two fleets together amounted to 
nearly two hundred — they were seldom able to strike in the 
regular manner, because they had no opportunity of first retiring 
or breaking the hne; they generally fouled one another as ship 
dashed against ship in the hurry of flight or pursuit. All the time 
that another vessel was bearing down, the men on deck poured 
showers of javelins and arrows and stones upon the enemy; and 
when the two closed, the marines fought hand to hand, and en- 
deavored to board. In many places, owing to the want of room, 
they who had struck another found that they were struck them- 
selves ; often two or even more vessels were unavoidably entangled 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 217 

about one, and the pilots had to make plans of attack and defence, 
not against one adversary only, but against several coming from 
different sides. The crash of so many ships dashing against one 
another took away the wits of the crews, and made it impossible 
to hear the boatswains, whose voices in both fleets rose high, as 
they gave directions to the rowers, or cheered them on in the ex- 
citement of the struggle. On the Athenian side they were shout- 
ing to their men that they must force a passage and seize the 
opportunity now or never of returning in safety to their native 
land. To the Syracusans and their allies was represented the 
glory of preventing the escape of their enemies, and of a victory 
by which every man would exalt the honor of his own city. The 
commanders too, when they saw any ship backing without neces- 
sity, would call the captain by his name and ask of the Athenians 
whether they were retreating because they expected to be more 
at home upon the land of their bitterest foes than upon that sea 
which had been their own so long; on the Syracusan side, whether, 
when they knew perfectly well that the Athenians were only eager 
to find some means of flight, they would themselves fly from the 
fugitives. 

While the naval engagement hung in the balance the two 
armies on shore had great trial and conflict of soul. The Sicilian 
soldier was animated by the hope of increasing the glory which 
he had already won, while the invader was tormented by the fear 
that his fortunes might sink lower still. The last chance of the 
Athenians lay in their ships, and their anxiety was dreadful. The 
fortune of the battle varied ; and it was not possible that the spec- 
tators on the shore should all receive the same impression of it. 
Being quite close and having different points of view, they would 
some of them see their own ships victorious ; their courage would 
then revive, and they would earnestly call upon the gods not to 
take from them their hope of deliverance. But others, who saw 
their ships worsted, cried and shrieked aloud, and were by the 



2i8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

sight alone more utterly unnerved than the defeated combatants 
themselves. Others again, who had fixed their gaze on some part 
of the struggle which was undecided, were in a state of excitement 
still more terrible ; they kept swaying their bodies to and fro in an 
agony of hope and fear as the stubborn conflict went on and on; 
for at every instant they were all but saved or all but lost. And 
while the strife hung in the balance you might hear in the Athenian 
army at once lamentation, shouting, cries of victory or defeat, 
and all the various sounds which are wrung from a great host in 
extremity of danger. Not less agonizing were the feelings of those 
on board. At length the Syracusans and their allies, after a pro- 
tracted struggle, put the Athenians to flight, and triumphantly 
bearing down upon them, and encouraging one another w^ith loud 
cries and exhortations, drove them to land. Then that part of 
the navy which had not been taken in the deep water fell back in 
confusion to the shore, and the crews rushed out of the ships into 
the camp. And the land-forces, no longer now divided in feeling, 
but uttering one universal groan of intolerable anguish, ran, some 
of them to save the ships, others to defend w^hat remained of the 
wall; but the greater number began to look to themselves and to 
their own safety. Never had there been a greater panic in an 
Athenian army than at that moment. They now suffered what 
they had done to others at Pylos. For at Pylos the Lacedemoni- 
ans, when they saw their ships destroyed, knew that their friends 
who had crossed over into the island of Sphacteria were lost with 
them. And so now the Athenians, after the rout of their fleet, 
knew that they had no hope of saving themselves by land unless 
events took some extraordinary turn. 

Thus, after a fierce battle and a great destruction of ships 
and men on both sides, the Syracusans and their allies gained the 
victory. They gathered up the wrecks and bodies of the dead, 
and sailing back to the city erected a trophy. The Athenians, 
overwhelmed by their misery, never so much as thought of recov- 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 219 

ering their wrecks or of asking leave to collect their dead. Their 
intention was to retreat that very night. Demosthenes came to 
Nicias and proposed that they should once more man their remain- 
ing vessels and endeavor to force the passage at daybreak, saying 
that they had more ships fit for service than the enemy. For the 
Athenian fleet still numbered sixty, but the enemy had less than 
fifty. Nicias approved of his proposal, and they would have 
manned the ships, but the sailors refused to embark ; for they were 
paralyzed by their defeat, and had no longer any hope of succeed- 
ing. So the Athenians all made up their minds to escape by 
land. • 

Hermocrates the Syracusan suspected their intention, and 
dreading what might happen if their vast army, retreating by land 
and settling somewhere in Sicily, should choose to renew the war, 
he went to the authorities, and represented to them that they 
ought not to allow the Athenians to withdraw by night (mention- 
ing his own suspicion of their intentions), but that all the Syra- 
cusans and their aUies should go out in advance, w^all up the roads, 
and occupy the passes with a guard. They thought very much 
as he did, and wanted to carry out his plan, but doubted whether 
their men, who were too glad to repose after a great battle, and in 
time of festival — for there happened on that very day to be a sac- 
rifice to Heracles — could be induced to obey. Most of them, 
in the exultation of victory, were drinking and keeping hoUday, 
and at such a time how could they ever be expected to take up 
arms and go forth at the order of the generals ? On these grounds 
the authorities decided that the thing was impossible. Whereupon 
Hermocrates himself, fearing lest the Athenians should gain a 
start and quietly pass the most difficult places in the night, con- 
trived the following plan: w^hen it was growing dark he sent 
certain of his own acquaintance, accompanied by a few horsemen, 
to the Athenian camp. They rode up within earshot, and pre- 
tending to be friends (there were known to be men in the city who 



220 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

gave information to Nicias of what went on) called to some of the 
soldiers, and bade them tell him not to withdraw his army during 
the night, for the Syracusans w^re guarding the roads ; he should 
make preparation at leisure and retire by day. Having deliv- 
ered their message they departed, and those who had heard them 
informed the Athenian generals. 

On receiving this message, w^hich they supposed to be genu- 
ine, they remained during the night. And having once given up the 
intention of starting immediately, they decided to remain during 
the next day, that the soldiers might, as well as they could, put 
together their baggage in the most convenient form, and depart, 
taking with them the bare necessaries of Hfe, but nothing else. 

Meanwhile the Syracusans and Gylippus, going forth before 
them with their land-forces, blocked the roads in the country by 
w^hich the Athenians were Hkely to pass, guarded the fords of the 
rivers and streams, and posted themselves at the best points for 
receiving and stopping them. Their sailors rowed up to the beach 
and dragged aw^ay the Athenian ships. The Athenians them- 
selves had burnt a few of them, as they had intended, but the rest 
the Syracusans towed away, unmolested and at their leisure, from 
the places where they had severally run aground, and conveyed 
them to the city. 

On the third day after the sea-fight, when Nicias and Demos- 
thenes thought that their preparations were complete, the army 
began to move. They were in a dreadful condition ; not only was 
there the great fact that they had lost their whole fleet, and instead 
of their expected triumph had brought the utmost peril upon 
Athens as w^ell as upon themselves, but also the sights which pre- 
sented themselves as they quitted the camp were painful to every 
eye and mind. The dead were unburied, and when any one saw 
the body of a friend lying on the ground he was smitten with sorrow 
and dread, while the sick or wounded who still survived but had 
to be left were even a greater trial to the living, and more to be 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 221 

pitied than those who were gone. Their prayers and lamentations 
drove their companions to distraction; they would beg that they 
might be taken with them, and call by name any friend or relation 
whom they saw passing; they would hang upon their departing 
comrades and follow as far as they could, and, when their limbs 
and strength failed them, and they dropped behind, many were the 
imprecations and cries which they uttered. So that the whole army 
was in tears, and such was their despair that they could hardly 
make up their minds to stir, although they were leaving an enemy's 
country, having suffered calamities too great for tears already and 
dreading miseries yet greater in the unknown future. There was 
also a general feehng of shame and self-reproach, — indeed they 
seemed, not like an army, but like the fugitive population of a city 
captured after a siege; and of a great city too. For the whole 
multitude who were marching together numbered not less than 
forty thousand. Each of them took with him anything he could 
carry which was likely to be of use. Even the heavy-armed and 
cavalry, contrary to their practice when under arms, conveyed about 
their persons their own food, some because they had no attendants, 
others because they could not trust them ; for they had long been 
deserting, and most of them had gone off all at once. Nor was the 
food which they carried sufficient ; for the supplies of the camp had 
failed. Their disgrace and the universality of the misery, although 
there might be some consolation in the very community of suffer- 
ing, were nevertheless at that moment hard to bear, especially when 
they remembered from what pride and splendor they had fallen 
into their present low estate. Never had an Hellenic army ex- 
perienced such a reverse. They had come intending to enslave 
others, and they were going away in fear that they would be them- 
selves enslaved. Instead of the prayers and hymns with which 
they had put to sea, they were now departing amid appeals to 
heaven of another sort. They were no longer sailors but lands- 
men, depending, not upon their fleet, but upon their infantry. Yet 



222 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

in face of the great danger which still threatened them all these 
things appeared endurable. 

Nicias, seeing the army disheartened at their terrible fall, 
went along the ranks and encouraged and consoled them as well 
as he could. In his fervor he raised his voice as he passed from one 
to another and spoke louder and louder^ desiring that the benefit 
of his words might reach as far as possible. . . . 

Thus exhorting his troops Nicias passed through the army, 
and wherever he saw gaps in the ranks or the men dropping out 
of Hne, he brought them back to their proper place. Demos- 
thenes did the same for the troops under his command, and gave 
them similar exhortations. The army marched disposed in a 
hollow oblong : the division of Nicias leading, and that of Demos- 
thenes following; the hoplites enclosed within their ranks the 
baggage-bearers and the rest of the host. When they arrived at 
the ford of the river Anapus they found a force of the Syracusans 
and of their aUies drawn up to meet them ; these they put to flight, 
and getting command of the ford, proceeded on their march. The 
Syracusans continually harassed them, the cavalry riding along- 
side, and the light-armed troops hurling darts at them. On this 
day the Athenians proceeded about four and a half miles and 
encamped at a hill. On the next day they started early, and, 
having advanced more than two miles, descended into a level 
plain, and encamped. The country was inhabited, and they were 
desirous of obtaining food from the houses, and also water which 
they might carry with them, as there was Httle to be had for many 
miles in the country which lay before them. Meanwhile the 
Syracusans had gone forward, and at a point where the road 
ascends a steep hill called the Acraean height, and there is a pre- 
cipitous ravine on either side, were blocking up the pass by a 
wall. On the next day the Athenians advanced, although again 
impeded by the numbers of the enemy's cavalry who rode along- 
side, and of their iavelin-men who threw darts at them. For a 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 221, 

long time the Athenians maintained the struggle, but at last re- 
tired to their own encampment. Their supplies were now cut off, 
because the horsemen circumscribed their movements. 

In the morning they started early and resumed their march. 
They pressed onwards to the hill where the way was barred, and 
found in front of them the Syracusan infantry drawn up to defend 
the wall, in deep array, for the pass was narrow. Whereupon the 
Athenians advanced and assaulted the barrier, but the enemy, 
who were numerous and had the advantage of position, threw mis- 
siles upon them from the hill, which was steep, and so, not being 
able to force their way, they again retired and rested. During the 
conflict, as is often the case in the fall of the year, there came on a 
storm of rain and thunder, whereby the Athenians were yet more 
disheartened, for they thought that everything was conspiring to 
their destruction. W^hile they were resting, GyHppus and the 
Syracusans despatched a division of their army to raise a wall 
behind them across the road by which they had come; but the 
Athenians sent some of their own troops and frustrated their in- 
tention. They then retired with their whole army in the direction 
of the plain and passed the night. On the following day they 
again advanced. The Syracusans now surrounded and attacked 
them on every side, and wounded many of them. If the Athe- 
nians advanced they retreated, but charged them when they re- 
tired, falling especially upon the hindermost of them, in the hope 
'that, if they could put to flight a few at a time, they might strike 
a panic into the whole army. In this fashion the Athenians 
struggled on for a long time, and having advanced about three- 
quarters of a mile rested in the plain. The Syracusans then left 
them and returned to their ow^n encampment. 

The army was now in a miserable pHght, being in want 
of every necessary; and by the continual assaults of the enemy 
great numbers of the soldiers had been wounded. Nicias and 
Demosthenes, perceiving their condition, resolved during the night 



224 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

to light as many watch-fires as possible and to lead off their forces. 
They intended to take another route and march towards the sea 
in the direction opposite to that from which the Syracusans were 
watching them. Now their whole line of march lay, not towards 
Catana, but towards the other side of Sicily, in the direction of 
Camarina and Gela, and the cities, Hellenic or barbarian, of that 
region. So they lighted numerous fires and departed in the 
night. And then, as constantly happens in armies, especially in 
very great ones, and as might be expected when they were march- 
ing by night in an enemy's country, and with the enemy from 
whom they were flying not far off, there arose a panic among them, 
and they fell into confusion. The army of Nicias, which was 
leading the way, kept together, and got on considerably in advance, 
but that of Demosthenes, which was the larger half, was severed 
from the other division, and marched in worse order. At day- 
break, however, they succeeded in reaching the sea, and striking 
into the Helorine road marched along it, intending as soon as they 
arrived at the Cacyparis to follow up the course of the river through 
the interior of the island. They were expecting that the Sicels 
for whom they had sent would meet them on this road. When 
they had reached the river they found there also a guard of the 
Syracusans cutting off the passage by a wall and palisade. They 
forced their way through and, crossing the river, passed on towards 
another river which is called the Erineus, this being the direction 
in which their guides led them. 

When daylight broke and the Syracusans and their allies saw 
that the Athenians had departed, most of them thought that 
Gylippus had let them go on purpose, and were very angry with 
him. They easily found the Hne of their retreat, and quickly fol- 
lowing came up wnth them about the time of the midday meal. 
The troops of Demosthenes were last; they were marching slowly 
and in disorder, not having recovered from the panic of the pre- 
vious night, when they were overtaken by the Syracusans, who 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 225 

immediately fell upon them and fought. Separated as they were 
from the others, they were easily hemmed in by the Syracusan 
cavalry and driven into a narrow space. The division of Nicias 
was now as much as six miles in advance, for he marched faster, 
thinking that their safety depended at such a time, not in remain- 
ing and fighting, if they could avoid it, but in retreating as quickly 
as they could, and resisting only when they were positively com- 
pelled. Demosthenes, on the other hand, who had been more 
incessantly harassed throughout the retreat, because marching last 
he was first attacked by the enemy, now, when he saw the Syra- 
cusans pursuing him, instead of pressing onward, ranged his 
army in order of battle. Thus lingering he was surrounded, and 
he and the Athenians under his command were in the greatest con- 
fusion. For they were crushed into a walled enclosure, having 
a road on both sides and planted thickly with oUve-trees, and 
missiles were hurled at them from all points. The Syracusans 
naturally preferred this mode of attack to a regular engagement. 
For to risk themselves against desperate men would have been 
only playing into the hands of the Athenians. Moreover, every 
one was sparing of his life ; their good fortune was already assured, 
and they did not want to fall in the hour of victory. Even by this 
irregular mode of fighting they thought that they could over- 
power and capture the Athenians. 

And so when they had gone on all day assailing them with 
missiles from every quarter, and saw that they were quite worn out 
with their wounds and all their other sufferings, Gylippus and the 
Syracusans made a proclamation, first of all to the islanders, that 
any of them who pleased might come over to them and have their 
freedom. But only a few cities accepted the offer. At length an 
agreement was made for the entire force under Demosthenes. 
Their arms were to be surrendered, but no one was to suffer death, 
either from violence or from imprisonment, or from want of the 
bare means of life. So they all surrendered, being in number six 



226 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

thousand, and gaxe up what money they had. This they threw 
into the hollows of shields and filled four. The captives were at 
once taken to the city. On the same day Nicias and his division 
reached the river Erineus, which he crossed, and halted his army 
on a rising ground. 

On the following day he was overtaken by the Syracusans, 
who told him that Demosthenes had surrendered, and bade him 
do the same. He, not believing them, procured a truce while he 
sent a horseman to go and see. Upon the return of the horseman 
bringing assurance of the fact, he sent a herald to Gylippus and 
the Syracusans, saying that he would agree, on behalf of the 
Athenian state, to pay the expenses w^hich the Syracusans had in- 
curred in the war, on condition that they should let his army go ; 
until the money was paid he would give Athenian citizens as 
hostages, a man for a talent. Gylippus and the Syracusans would 
not accept these proposals, but attacked and surrounded this divi- 
sion of the army as they had the other, and hurled missiles at them 
from every side until the evening. They too were in want of food 
and necessaries. Nevertheless they meant to w^ait for the dead 
of the night and then to proceed. They were just resuming their 
arms, when the Syracusans discovered them and raised the paean. 
The Athenians, perceiving that they were detected, laid down their 
arms again, w^ith the exception of about three hundred men who 
broke through the enemy's guard, and made their escape in the 
darkness as best they could. 

When the day dawned Nicias led forward his army, and the 
Syracusans and the allies again assailed them on every side, hurl- 
ing javeHns and other missiles at them. The Athenians hurried 
on to the river Assinarus. They hoped to gain a Httle relief, if 
they forded the river, for the mass of horsemen and other troops 
overwhelmed and crushed them; and they were worn out by 
fatigue and thirst. But no sooner did they reach the water than 
they lost all order and rushed in ; every man was trying to cross 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 227 

first, and, the enemy pressing upon them at the same time, the 
passage of the river became hopeless. Being compelled to keep 
close together they fell one upon another, and trampled each other 
under foot: some at once perished, pierced by their own spears; 
others got entangled in the baggage and were carried down the 
stream. The Syracusans stood upon the further bank of the river, 
which w^as steep, and hurled missiles from above on the Athenians, 
who were huddled together in the deep bed of the stream, and for 
the most part were drinking greedily. The Peloponnesians came 
down the bank and slaughtered them, falHng chiefly upon those 
who were in the river. Whereupon the water at once became foul, 
but was drunk all the same, although muddy and dyed with blood, 
and the crowd fought for it. 

At last, when the dead bodies were lying in heaps upon one 
another in the w^ater and the army w^as utterly undone, some perish- 
ing in the river, and any who escaped being cut off by the cavalry, 
Nicias surrendered to Gylippus, in whom he had more confidence 
than in the Syracusans. He entreated him and the Lacedemo- 
nians to do what they pleased with himself, but not to go on kilHng 
the men. So Gylippus gave the word to make prisoners. There- 
upon the survivors, not including however a large number whom 
the soldiers concealed, w^ere brought in alive. As for the three hun- 
dred w^ho had broken through the guard in the night, the Syracu- 
sans sent in pursuit and seized them. The total of the public pris- 
oners when collected was not great ; for many were appropriated 
by the soldiers, and the whole of Sicily was full of them, they not 
having capitulated Hke the troops under Demosthenes. A large 
number also perished ; the slaughter at the river beiiig very great, 
quite as great as any which took place in the Sicilian w^ar ; and not 
a few had fallen in the frequent attacks which were made upon 
the Athenians during their march. Still many escaped, some at 
the time, others ran away after an interval of slavery, and all these 
found refuge at Catana. 



228 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

The Syracusans and their allies collected their forces and 
returned with the spoil, and as many prisoners as they could take 
with them, into the city. The captive Athenians and allies they 
deposited in the quarries, which they thought would be the safest 
place of confinement. Nicias and Demosthenes they put to the 
sword, although against the will of Gylippus. For Gylippus 
thought that to carry home with him to Lacedemon the generals of 
the enemy, over and above all his other successes, would be a 
briUiant triuraph. One of them, Demosthenes, happened to be 
the greatest foe, and the other the greatest friend of the Lacede- 
monians, both in the same matter of Pylos and Sphacteria. For 
Nicias had taken up their cause, and had persuaded the Athenians 
to make the peace w^hich set at liberty the prisoners taken in the 
island. The Lacedemonians were grateful to him for the ser- 
vice, and this was the main reason why he trusted Gylippus and 
surrendered himself to him. But certain Syracusans, who had 
been in communication with him, were afraid (such was the 
report) that on some suspicion of their guilt he might be put to 
the torture and bring trouble on them in the hour of their pros- 
perity. Others, and especially the Corinthians, feared that, 
being rich, he might by bribery escape and do them further mis- 
chief. So the Syracusans gained the consent of the aUies and had 
him executed. For these or the like reasons he suffered death. 
No one of the Hellenes in my time w^as less deserving of so miser- 
able an end ; for he lived in the practice of every virtue. 

Those who were imprisoned in the quarries were at the 
beginning of their captivity harshly treated by the Syracusans. 
There were great numbers of them, and they were crowded in a 
deep and narrow place. At first the sun by day w^as still scorch- 
ing and suffocating, for they had no roof over their heads, while 
the autumn nights were cold, and the extremes of temperature 
engendered violent disorders. Being cramped for room they had 
to do everything on the same spot. The corpses of those who died 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 



229 



from their wounds, exposure to heat and cold, and the Hke, lay 
heaped one upon another. The smells were intolerable ; and they 
were at the same time afflicted by hunger and thirst. During 
eight months they were allowed only about half a pint of water and 
a pint of food a day. Every kind of misery which could befall 
man in such a place befell them. This was the condition of all 
the captives for about ten weeks. At length the Syracusans sold 
them, w^ith the exception of the Athenians and of any Sicilian or 
Italian Greeks who had sided with them in the war. The whole 
number of the pubhc prisoners is not accurately known, but they 
were not less than seven thousand. 

Of all the Hellenic actions which took place in this war, or in- 
deed, as I think, of all Hellenic actions which are on record, this 
was the greatest — the most glorious to the victors, the most ruin- 
ous to the vanquished; for they were utterly and at all points 
defeated, and their sufferings were prodigious. Fleet and army 
perished frorri the face of the earth ; nothing was saved, and of the 
many who went forth few returned home. 

Thus ended the Sicilian expedition. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Was Thucydides an eye-witness of the events described above? 
2. What is the value of his account compared with the description of 
the plague ? 3. What was the cause of the Sicilian expedition ? 4. How 
was the Athenian fleet equipped? 5. Do we employ such methods 
to-day? 6. What were the pecuUar ceremonies connected with the 
starting of the fleet? 7. Did the Athenians expect to be successful? 

8. Read aloud the account of the last battle in the harbor of Syracuse. 

9. What oflicers and what classes of men did each vessel bear ? 10. Who 
did the fighting? 11. How was the enemy damaged? 12. Compare 
this battle with a modern naval battle. 13. To what is this difference 
due, to our greater courage and superior intellect? 14. What was the 
condition of the Athenians after the battle? 15. What effect did the 
victory have on the people of Syracuse ? 16. In the retreat of the Athe- 



230 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

nian army what advantage did the Syracusans have in the attack upon it? 
17. Read aloud the description of the retreat. It ranks very high as 
a piece of historical description. 18. What features of the treatment 
of the Athenian captives by the Syracusans would be looked upon to-day 
as barbarous? 19. Compare these practices with the treatment of the 
Russian prisoners by the Japanese in the war of 1 904-1 905. 

C. The War in the Mgesm 
a. Return of Alcibiades 

Xenophon, Hellenica, I, pp. 16-18 

I. Mean\vhile Alcibiades, with the moneys lately collected and 
his fleet of twenty ships, left Samos and visited Paros. From 
Paros he stood out to sea across to Gytheum, to keep an eye on the 
thirty ships of w^ar w^hich, as he was informed, the L^acedemonians 
wxre equipping in that arsenal. Gytheum would also be a favor- 
able point of observation from which to gauge the disposition of his 
fellow-countrymen and the prospects of his recall. When at length 
their good disposition seemed to him established, not only by his 
election as general, but by the messages of invitation which he 
received in private from his friends, he sailed home, and entered 
Piraeus on the very day of the festival of the Plunteria, when the 
statue of Athena is veiled and screened from public gaze. This 
was a coincidence, as some thought, of evil omen, and unpropitious 
alike to himself and the state, for no Athenian would transact- 
serious business on such a day. As he sailed into the harbor, two 
great crowds, — one from the Piraeus, the other from the city, — 
flocked to meet the vessels. W^onderment, mixed with a desire to 
see Alcibiades, was the prevailing sentiment of the multitude. Of 
him they spoke : some asserting that he was the best of citizens, 
and that in his sole instance banishment had been ill-deserved. He 
had been the victim of plots, hatched in the brains of people less 
able than himself, however much they might excel in pestilent 
speech ; men whose one principle of statecraft was to look to their 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 231 

private gains ; whereas this man's poHcy had ever been to uphold 
the common weal, as much by his private means as by all the power 
of the state. His own choice, eight years ago, when the charge of 
impiety in the matter of the mysteries was still fresh, would have 
been to submit to trial at once. It was his personal foes, who had 
succeeded in postponing that undeniably just procedure; who 
waited till his back was turned, and then robbed him of his father- 
land. Then it was that, being made the very slave of circumstance, 
he was driven to court the men he hated most ; and at a time when 
his own life was in daily peril, he must see his dearest friends and 
fellow-citizens, nay, the very state itself, bent on a suicidal course, 
and yet, in the exclusion of exile, be unable to lend a helping hand. 
*Tt is not men of this stamp," they averred, ^Svho desire changes 
in affairs and revolution: had he not already guaranteed to him 
by the democracy a position higher than that of his equals in age, 
and scarcely if at all inferior to his seniors? How different was 
the position of his enemies. It had been the fortune of these, 
though they were known to be the same men they had always been, 
to use their lately acquired power for the destruction in the first 
instance of the better classes; and then, being alone left surviving, 
to be accepted by their fellow-citizens in the absence of better 
men.'' 

Others, however, insisted that for all their past miseries and mis- 
fortunes Alcibiades alone was responsible: ^Tf more trials were 
still in store for the state, here was the master mischief-maker 
ready at his post to precipitate them." 

When the vessels came to their moorings, close to the land, 
Alcibiades, from fear of his enemies, was unwilling to disem- 
bark at once. Mounting on the quarterdeck, he scanned the mul- 
titude, anxious to make certain of the presence of his friends. 
Presently his eyes lit upon Euryptolemus, the son of Peisianax, 
who was his cousin, and then on the rest of his relations and other 
friends. Upon this he landed, and so, in the midst of an escort 



232 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

ready to put down any attempt upon his person, made his way to 
the city. 

In the senate and pubhc assembly he made speeches, defending 
himself against the charge of impiety, and asserting that he had 
been the victim of injustice, w4th other Hke topics, which in the 
present temper of the assembly no one ventured to gainsay. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Why was Alcibiades uncertain of what his reception would be 
at Athens? 2. Why should the Athenians have elected him general? 
3. Were the Athenians superstitious? 4. What, according to Xeno- 
phon, were the two discordant views of the conduct of Alcibiades held at 
Athens? 5. How can we tell which view was the true one? 6. Did 
Xenophon know? 7. How did he know what the people of Athens 
thought of Alcibiades? 8. Was it an enthusiastic crowd that went to 
the harbor to greet Alcibiades? 9. Did he trust the Athenians? 
10. Did he believe that they all believed that he was an honest man ? 

b. Battle of ^gospotami 

Xenophon, Hellenica, I, pp. 41-43 

I. And now the Athenian fleet, following close on his heels, came 
to moorings at Elaeus, in the Chersonesus, one hundred and eighty 
sail in all. It was not until they had reached this place, and were 
getting their early meal, that the news of what had happened at 
Lampsacus reached them. Then they instantly set sail again to 
Sestos and, having halted long enough merely to take in stores, 
sailed on further to ^^gospotami, a point facing Lampsacus, w^here 
the Hellespont is not quite two miles broad. Here they took 
their evening meal. 

The night following, or rather early next morning, with the first 
streak of dawn, Lysander gave the signal for the men to take 
their breakfasts and get on board their vessels; and so, having 
got all ready for a naval engagement, with his ports closed and 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 233 

movable bulwarks attached, he issued the order that no one was to 
stir from his post or put out to sea. As the sun rose the Athenians 
drew up their vessels facing the harbor, in line of battle ready for 
action ; but Lysander dechning to come out to meet them, as the 
day advanced they retired again to i^gospotami. Then Lysander 
ordered the swiftest of his ships to follow the Athenians, and 
as soon as the crews had disembarked, to watch what they did, 
sail back, and report to him. Until these look-outs returned he 
would permit no disembarkation from his ships. This per- 
formance he repeated for four successive days, and each day the 
Athenians put out to sea and challenged an engagement. 

But now Alcibiades, from one of his fortresses, could espy the 
position of his fellow-countrymen, moored on an open beach be- 
yond reach of any city, and forced to send for supplies to Sestos, 
which was nearly two miles distant, while their enemies were 
safely lodged in a harbor, with a city adjoining, and everything 
within reach. The situation did not please him, and he advised 
them to shift their anchorage to Sestos, w^here they would have the 
advantage of a harbor and a city. ^'Once there," he concluded, 
*^you can engage the enemy whenever it suits you." But the gen- 
erals, and more particularly Tydeus and Menander, bade him go 
about his business. ^^ We are generals now — not you," they said ; 
and so he went away. And now for five days in succession the 
Athenians had sailed out to offer battle, and for the fifth time re- 
tired, followed by the same swift sailors of the enemy. But this 
time Lysander's orders to the vessels so sent in pursuit w^ere that 
as soon as they saw the enemy's crew fairly disembarked and dis- 
persed along the shores of the Chersonesus (a practice, it should 
be mentioned , which had grown upon them from day to day, owing 
to the distance at which eatables had to be purchased, and out of 
sheer contempt, no doubt, of Lysander, who refused to accept 
battle), they were to begin their return voyage, and when in mid- 
channel to hoist a shield. The orders were punctually carried 



234 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

out, and Lysander at once signalled to his whole squadron to put 
across with all speed, while Thorax, with the land forces, w^as 
to march parallel with the fleet along the coast. Aware of the 
enemy's fleet, which he could see bearing down upon him, Conon 
had only time to signal to the crews to join their ships and rally 
to the rescue with all their might. But the men were scattered 
far and wide, and some of- the vessels had only two out of their 
three banks of rowers, some only a single one, while others again 
were completely empty. Conon's ow^n ship, with seven others in 
attendance on him and the Paralus, put out to sea, a little cluster 
of nine vessels, with their full complement of men ; but every one 
of the remaining one hundred and seventy-one vessels wxre cap- 
tured by Lysander on the beach. As to the men themselves, the 
large majority of them were easily made prisoners on shore, a few 
only escaping to the small fortresses of the neighborhood. Mean- 
while Conon and his nine vessels made good their escape. For 
himself, knowing that the fortune of Athens w^as ruined, he put 
into Abarnis, the promontory of Lampsacus, and there picked up 
the great sails of Lysander's ships, and then with eight ships set 
sail himself to seek refuge w^ith Evagoras in Cyprus, while the 
Paralus started for Athens with tidings of what had taken place. 

QUESTIONS 

I. To what was the loss of the Athenian fleet at ^gospotami due? 
2. Why did Lysander not attack the Athenians after their first dis- 
embarkation? 3. Were the Athenians aware of the weakness of the 
position that they had chosen? 4. Was the battle of ^Egospotami a 
naval battle? 

c. The Fall of Athens 

Xenophon, Hellenica, I, pp. 44-48 

It was night when the Paralus reached Athens with her evil 
tidings, on receipt of which a bitter wail of woe broke forth. From 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 235 

Piraeus, following the line of the long walls up to the heart of the 
city, it swept and swelled, as each man to his neighbor passed on 
the news. On that night no man slept. There was mourning 
and sorrow for those that were lost, but the lamentation for the 
dead was merged in even deeper sorrow for themselves, as they 
pictured the evils they were about to suffer, the like of which they 
had themselves inflicted upon the men of Melos, who w^ere colo- 
nists of the Lacedemonians when they mastered them by siege. 
Or on the men of Histiaea ; on Scione and Torone ; on the ^gine- 
tans, and many another Hellene city. On the following day the 
pubhc assembly met, aiKl, after debate, it was resolved to block 
up all the harbors save one, to put the walls in a state of defence, 
to post guards at various points, and to make all other necessary 
preparation for a siege. Such were the concerns of the men of 
Athens. 

Lysander presently left the Hellespont with two hundred sail 
and arrived at Lesbos, where he estabhshed a new^ order of things 
in Mitylene and the other cities of the island. Meanw^hile he 
despatched Eteonicus w^ith a squadron of ten ships to the north- 
ern coasts, where that officer brought about a revolution of affairs 
which placed the whole region in the hands of Lacedemon. In- 
deed, in a moment of time, after the sea-fight, the whole of Hellas 
had revolted from Athens, with the solitary exception of the men 
of Samos. These, having massacred the notables, held the state 
under their control. After a while Lysander sent messages to 
Agis at Deceleia, and to Lacedemon, announcing his approach 
with a squadron of two hundred sail. 

In obedience to a general order of Pausanias, the other king of 
Lacedemon, a levy in force of the Lacedemonians and all the rest 
of Peloponnesus, except the Argives, was set in motion for a cam- 
paign. As soon as the several contingents had arrived, the king 
put himself at their head and marched against Athens, encamping 
in the gymnasium of the Academy, as it is called. Lysander had 



236 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

now reached /Egina, where, having got together as many of the 
former inhabitants as possible, he formally reinstated them in their 
city ; and what he did in behalf of the ^Eginetans, he did also in 
behalf of the Melians, and of the rest who had been deprived of 
their countries. He then pillaged the island of Salamis, and finally 
came to moorings off Piraeus with one hundred and fifty ships of 
the line, and established a strict blockade against all merchant 
ships entering that harbor. 

The Athenians, finding themselves besieged by land and sea, 
w^ere in sore perplexity what to do. Without ships, w^ithout allies, 
without provisions, the belief gained hold upon them that there 
was no way of escape. They must now, in their turn, suffer what 
they had themselves inflicted upon others ; not in retaliation, in- 
deed, for ills received, but out of sheer insolence, overriding the 
citizens of petty states, and for no better reason than that these were 
allies of the very men now at their gates. In this frame of mind 
they enfranchised those who at any time had lost their civil rights, 
and schooled themselves to endurance; and, albeit many suc- 
cumbed to starvation, no thought of truce or reconciliation with 
their foes was breathed. But when the stock of corn was abso- 
lutely insufficient, they sent an embassage to Agis, proposing to 
become allies of the Lacedemonians on the sole condition of 
keeping their fortification walls and Piraeus ; and to draw up arti- 
cles of treaty on these terms. Agis bade them betake them- 
selves to Lacedemon, seeing that he had no authority to act him- 
self. With this answer the ambassadors returned to Athens, and 
were forthwith sent on to Lacedemon. On reaching Sellasia, 
a town in Laconian territory, they waited till they got their an- 
swer from the ephors, who, having learnt their terms (which were 
identical with those already proposed to Agis), bade them in- 
stantly to be gone, and, if they really desired peace, to come 
with other proposals, the fruit of happier reflection. Thus the 
ambassadors returned home, and reported the result of their 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 237 

embassage, whereupon despondency fell upon all. It was a pain- 
ful reflection that in the end they would be sold into slavery; and 
meanwhile, pending the return of a second embassy, many must 
needs fall victims to starvation. The razing of their fortifications 
was not a solution which any one cared to recommend. A sena- 
tor, Archestratus, had indeed put the question in the senate, 
whether it were not best to make peace with the Lacedemonians 
on such terms as they were willing to propose ; but he was thrown 
into prison. The Laconian proposals referred to involved the 
destruction of both long walls for a space of more than a mile. 
And a decree had been passed making it illegal to submit any such 
proposition about the walls. Things having reached this pass, 
Theramenes made a proposal in the public assembly as follows: 
If they chose to send him as an ambassador to Lysander, he would 
go and find out w^hy the Lacedemonians were so unyielding about 
the walls ; w^hether it was they really intended to enslave the city, 
or merely that they wanted a guarantee of good faith. Despatched 
accordingly, he fingered on with Lysander for three whole months 
and more, watching for the time when the Athenians, at the last 
pinch of starvation, would be willing to accede to any terms that 
might be offered. At last, in the fourth month, he returned and 
reported to the public asseinbly that Lysander had detained him 
all this while, and had ended by bidding him betake himself to 
Lacedemon, since he had no authority himself to answer his ques- 
tions, which must be addressed directly to the ephors. After this 
Theramenes was chosen with nine others to go to Lacedemon as 
ambassadors with full powers. Meanwhile Lysander had sent 
an Athenian exile, named Aristoteles, in company of certain 
Lacedemonians, to Sparta to report to the board of ephors how he 
had answered Theramenes, that they, and they alone, had supreme 
authority in matters of peace and war. 

Theramenes and his companions presently reached Sellasia, and 
being here questioned as to the reason of their visit, replied that 



238 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

they had full powers to treat of peace. After which the ephors 
ordered them to be summoned to their presence. On their 
arrival a general assembly was convened, in which the Corinthians 
and Thebans more particularly, though their views were shared by 
many other Hellenes also, urged the meeting not to come to terms 
with the Athenians, but to destroy them. The Lacedemonians 
replied that they would never reduce to slavery a city which was 
itself an integral portion of Hellas, and had performed a great and 
noble service to Hellas in the most perilous of emergencies. On 
the contrary, they wxre willing to offer peace on the terms now 
specified — namely, ^'That the long walls and the fortifications of 
Piraeus should be destroyed ; that the Athenian fleet, wdth the ex- 
ception of twelve vessels, should be surrendered; that the exiles 
should be restored; and lastly, that the Athenians should ac- 
knowledge the headship of Sparta in peace and war, leaving to her 
the choice of friends and foes, and following her lead by land and 
sea.'' Such were the terms w^hich Theramenes and the rest who 
acted with him were able to report on their return to Athens. As 
they entered the city, a vast crowd met them, trembling lest their 
mission should have proved fruitless. For indeed delay was no 
longer possible, so long already w^as the list of victims daily per- 
ishing from starvation. On the day following, the ambassadors 
delivered their report, stating the terms upon which the Lace- 
demonians were willing to make peace. Theramenes acted as 
spokesman, insisting that they ought to obey the Lacede- 
monians and pull down the walls. A small minority raised 
their voice in opposition, but the majority were strongly in favor 
of the proposition, and the resolution was passed to accept the 
peace. After that, Lysander sailed into the Piraeus, and the 
exiles were readmitted. And so they fell to levelling the fortifi- 
cations and walls with much enthusiasm, to the accompaniment 
of female flute-players, deeming that day the beginning of liberty 
to Greece. 



THE PELOPONNESIAN WARS 



239 



QUESTIONS 

I. What was the Paralus? 2. Why were the Athenians so affected 
by the loss of a fleet? 3. Would the Spartans have been effected in the 
same way had their fleet been destroyed ? 4. What was the first effect 
of the destruction of the Athenian navy? 5. What was the next 
natural consequence? 6. Could the Athenians hope to defend their 
city long against the Lacedemonians? 7. How did the Athenians 
conduct themselves under such trying circumstances? '8. What were 
the terms they offered the Spartans, and how were they received ? 9. Can 
we feel sure that Xenophon knew as much about the motives as about 
the acts of Theramenes? 10. Why were the Corinthians and Thebans 
so hostile to Athens? 11. What terms did the Spartans finally grant 
to the Athenians? 12. What change did the acceptance of these terms 
make in the position of Athens in the Greek world? 13. Why did the 
enemies of Athens attach so much importance to the destruction of its 
walls? 14. Is it true that the day that they were destroyed marked 
'*the beginning of liberty to Greece"? 





Fig. 16. Altar of Dionysus 



VIII. SOCRATES AND HIS TEACHING 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 1-2 

I. I have often wondered by what arguments the accusers of 
Socrates persuaded the Athenians that he deserved death from the 
state; for the indictment against him was to this effect: i. Soc- 
rates offends against the law^s in not paying respect to those gods 
w^hom the city respects, and introducing other new deities; he 
also offends against the law^s in corrupting the youth. 2. In the 
first place, that he did not respect the gods w^hom the city respects, 
what proof did they bring? For he was seen frequently sacri- 
ficing at home, and frequently on the public altars of the city; 
nor was it unknow^n that he used divination ; as it was a common 
subject of talk, that ^'Socrates used to say that the divinity in- 
structed him;'' and it was from this circumstance, indeed, that 
they seem chiefly to have derived the charge of introducing new 
deities. 3. He however introduced nothing newer than those 
who, practising divination, consult auguries, voices, omens, and 
sacrifices ; for they do not imagine that birds, or people who meet 
them, know^ what is advantageous for those seeking presages, but 
that the gods, by their means, signify w^hat will be so; and such 
was the opinion that Socrates entertained. 4. Most people say 
that they are diverted from an object, or prompted to it, by birds, or 
by the people who meet them ; but Socrates spoke as he thought, 
for he said it w^as the divinity that w^as his monitor. He also told 
many of his friends to do certain things, and not to do others, 
intimating that the divinity had forewarned him ; and advantage 
attended those who obeyed his suggestions, but repentance, those 
who disregarded them. 

240 



SOCRATES AND HIS TEACHING 241 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 4-5 

2. He was constantly in public, for he went in the morning 
to the places for walking and the gymnasia ; at the time when the 
market w^as full he was to be seen there ; and the rest of the day 
he was where he was likely to meet the greatest number of people ; 
he was generally engaged in discourse, and all who pleased were at 
liberty to hear him; yet no one ever either saw Socrates doing, 
or heard him saying, anything impious or profane ; for he did not 
dispute about the nature of things as most other philosophers dis- 
puted, speculating how that which is called by sophists the world 
was produced, and by w^hat necessary law^s everything in the 
heavens is effected, but endeavored to show that those who chose 
such subjects of contemplation were foolish; and he used in 
the first place to inquire of them whether they thought that they 
already knew sufficient of human affairs, and therefore proceeded 
to such subjects of meditation, or w^hether, when they neglected 
human affairs entirely, and speculated on celestial matters, they 
thought that they were doing what became them. 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 6-7 

3. Such w^ere the observations which he made about those 
who busied themselves in such speculations; but for himself, he 
would hold discourse, from time to time, on what concerned man- 
kind, considering what was pious, what impious; what was be- 
coming, what unbecoming; what w^as just, what unjust; what 
was sanity, what insanity; what was fortitude, what cowardice; 
what a state was, and what the character of a statesman; what 
was the nature of government over men, and the qualities of one 
skilled in governing them; and touching on other subjects, with 
which he thought that those who were acquainted were men of 
worth and estimation, but that those who were ignorant of them 
might justly be deemed no better than slaves. 

For when he was a member of the senate, and had taken the 



242 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

senator's oath, in which it was expressed that he would vote in 
accordance with the laws, he, being president in the assembly of 
the people when they were eager to put to death Thrasyllus, Erasi- 
nides, and their colleagues, by a single vote contrary to the law, 
refused, though the multitude were enraged at him, and many of 
those in power uttered threats against him, to put the question to 
the vote, but considered it of more importance to observe his oath 
than to gratify the people contrary to what was right, or to seek 
safety against tjiose who menaced him. 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 8-9 

4. It also seems wonderful to me, that any should have been 
persuaded that Socrates corrupted the youth; Socrates, who, in 
addition to what has been said of him, was not only the most rigid 
of all men in the government of his passions and appetites, but 
also most able to withstand cold, heat, and every kind of labor; 
and, besides, so inured to frugahty, that, though he possessed 
very Httle, he very easily made it a sufficiency. How, then, being 
of such a character himself, could he have rendered others im- 
pious, or lawless, or luxurious, or incontinent, or too effeminate 
to endure labor? On the contrary, he restrained many of them 
from such vices, leading them to love virtue, and giving them 
hopes, that if they would take care of themselves, they would 
become honorable and worthy characters. 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 24-25 

5. The accuser also said that Socrates, selecting the worst 
passages of the most celebrated poets, and using them as 
arguments, taught those who kept him company to be unprincipled 
and tyrannical. The verse of Hesiod, for example. 

Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace, 

they say that he used to explain as intimating that the poet bids 
us abstain from no kind of work, dishonest or dishonorable, but 



SOCRATES AND HIS TEACHING 243 

to do such work for the sake of profit. But when Socrates 
maintained that to be busy was useful and beneficial for a man, 
and that to be unemployed was noxious and ill for him, that to 
work was a good, and to be idle an evil, he at the same time ob- 
served that those only who do something good really work, and are 
useful workmen, but those who gamble, or do anything bad and 
pernicious, he called idle; and in this view^ the sentiment of the 
poet will be unobjectionable. 

Work is no disgrace, but idleness is a disgrace. 
Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 28-31 

6. To the gods he simply prayed that they would give him 
good things, as beheving that the gods knew best what things are 
good; and those who prayed for gold, or silver, or dominion, 
or anything of that kind, he considered to utter no other sort of 
requests than if they were to pray that they might play at dice, or 
fight, or do anything else of which it is quite uncertain w^hat the 
result will be. 

When he offered small sacrifices from his small means, he 
thought that he w^as not at all inferior in merit to those w^ho offered 
numerous and great sacrifices from ample and abundant means; 
for he said that it would not become the gods to delight in large 
rather than in small sacrifices; since, if such were the case, the 
offerings of the bad would oftentimes be more acceptable to 
them than those of the good ; nor w^ould hfe be of any account in 
the eyes of men, if oblations from the bad were better received by 
the gods than oblations from the good; but he thought that the 
gods had most pleasure in the offerings of the most pious. He 
also used to quote, with approbation, the verse. 

Perform sacrifices to the gods according to your ability, 

and used to say that it was a good exhortation to men, w4th regard 
to friends, and guests, and all other relations of Hfe, to perform 
according to their ability. 



/ 



244 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

If anything appeared to be intimated to him from the gods, he 
could no more have been persuaded to act contrary to such intima- 
tion than any one could have persuaded him to take for his guide 
on a journey a blind man, or one who did not know the way, instead 
of one w^ho could see, and did know^ it ; and he condemned the folly 
of others, w^ho act contrary to what is signified by the gods, through 
anxiety to avoid the ill opinion of men. As for himself, he under- 
valued everything human, in comparison with counsel from the gods. 

He discipHned his mind and body by such a course of life, 
that he who should adopt a similar one, would, if no supernatural 
influence prevented, Hve in good spirits and uninterrupted health; 
nor would he ever be in want of the necessary expenses for it. So 
frugal was he, that I do not know whether any one could earn so 
little by the labor of his hands, as not to procure sufficient to have 
satisfied Socrates. He took only so much food as he could eat with 
a keen relish; and, to this end, he came to his meals so disposed 
that the appetite for his meat was the sauce to it. Every kind of 
drink was agreeable to him, because he never drank unless he was 
thirsty. If he ever complied with an invitation to go to a feast, 
he very easily guarded, what is extremely difficult to most men, 
against loading his stomach to excess. Those who were unable to do 
so, he advised to be cautious of eating when they w^ere not hungry, 
and of drinking when they were not thirsty ; for he said that those 
were the things that disordered the stomach, the head, and the mind ; 
and he used to say, in jest, that he thought Circe transformed men 
into swine by entertaining them with abundance of such luxuries, 
but that Ulysses, through the admonition of Mercury, and through 
being himself temperate, and forbearing to partake of such delica- 
cies to excess, was in consequence not changed into a swine. 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 43-44 

7. Antipho, on one occasion, wishing to draw away his asso- 
ciates from him, came up to Socrates, when they were present, and 



SOCRATES AND HIS TEACHING 245 

said, *'I thought, Socrates, that those who studied philosophy 
were to become happier than other men; but you seem to have 
reaped from philosophy fruits of an opposite kind ; at least you 
live in a way in which no slave w^ould continue to live with his 
master; you eat food, and drink drink, of the w^orst kind; you 
wesLT a dress, not only bad, but the same both summer and winter, 
and you continue shoeless and coatless. Money, which cheers 
men when they receive it, and enables those who possess it to live 
more generously and pleasantly, you do not take ; and if, therefore, 
as teachers in other professions make their pupils imitate them- 
selves, you also shall produce a similar effect on your followers, 
you must consider yourself but a teacher of wretchedness." 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, p. 46 

8. "You, Antipho, resemble one who thinks that happiness 
consists in luxury and extravagance; but I think that to want 
nothing is to resemble the gods, and that to w^ant as little as pos- 
sible is to make the nearest approach to the gods ; that the divine 
nature is perfection, and that to be nearest to the divine nature is 
to be nearest to perfection.'' 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, p. 59 

9. But indolence, moreover, and pleasures which offer them- 
selves without being sought, are neither capable of producing a 
good constitution of body, as the teachers of gymnastic exercises 
say, nor do they bring to the mind any knowledge worthy of con- 
sideration ; but exercises pursued with persevering labor lead men 
to the attainment of honorable and valuable objects, as w^orthy 
men inform us; and Hesiod somewhere says, 

*^ Vice it is possible to find in abundance and with ease; for the 
Way to it is smooth, and lies very near. But before the temple 
of Virtue the immortal gods have placed labour, and the way to 



246 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

it is long and steep, and at the commencement rough; but when 
the traveller has arrived at the summit, it then becomes easy, 
however difficult it was at first." 

A sentiment to which Epicharmus gives his testimony in this verse, 

^'The gods for labor sell us all good things;" 
and in another place he says, 
'' O wretched mortal, desire not what is soft, lest you find what is hard." 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 174-177 

10. ''And why should not I," asked Euthydemus, ''be able to 
tell the works of justice ; as also indeed those of injustice ; for we 
may see and hear of no small number of them every day? " 

"Are you willing then," said Socrates, "that w^e should make 
a delta on this side, and an alpha on that, and then that we 
should put w^hatever seems to us to be a work of justice under the 
delta J and whatever seems to be a work of injustice under the 
alpha ?^' "If you think that we need those letters," said Euthy- 
demus, "make them." Socrates, having made the letters as he 
proposed, asked, "Does falsehood then exist among mankind?'^ 
"It does assuredly," replied he. "Under which head shall we 
place it?'' "Under injustice, certainly." "Does deceit also 
exist?" "Unquestionably." "Under which head shall we 
place that?" "Evidently under injustice." "Does mischievous- 
ness exist?" "Undoubtedly." "And the enslaving of men?'' 
"That, too, prevails." "And shall neither of these things be 
placed by us under justice, Euthydemus?" "It would be strange 
if they should be," said he. "But," said Socrates, "if a man, 
being chosen to lead an army, should reduce to slavery an un- 
just and hostile people, should we say that he committed injus- 
tice?" "No, certainly," replied he. "Should we not rather say 
that he acted justly?" "Indisputably." "And if, in the course 



SOCRATES AND HIS TEACHING 247 

of the war with them, he should practise deceit ?'' ^'That also 
would be just/' said he. ^'And if he should steal and carry off 
their property, would he not do what was just?'' ^'Certainly," 
said Euthydemus; ''but I thought at first that you asked these 
questions only with reference to our friends." ''Then," said 
Socrates, "all that we have placed under the head of injustice, we 
must also place under that of justice." "It seems so," replied 
Euthydemus. "Do you agree, then," continued Socrates, "that, 
having so placed them, we should make a new distinction, that 
it is just to do such things with regard to enemies, but unjust to 
do them with regard to friends, and that towards his friends our 
general should be as guileless as possible?" "By all means," 
replied Euthydemus. "Well, then," said Socrates, "if a general, 
seeing his army dispirited, should tell them, inventing a false- 
hood, that auxiliaries were coming, and should, by that in- 
vention, check the despondency of his troops, under which head 
should we place such an act of deceit?" "It appears to me," 
said Euthydemus, "that we must place it under justice." "And 
if a father, when his son requires medicine, and refuses to take it, 
should deceive him, and give him the medicine as ordinary food, 
and, by adopting such deception, should restore him to health, 
under which head must we place such an act of deceit?" "It 
appears to me that we must place it under the same head." "And 
if a person, when his friend was in despondency, should, through 
fear that he might kill himself, steal or take away his sword, or 
any other weapon, under which head must we place that act?" 
"That, assuredly, we must place under justice." "You say, 
then," said Socrates, "that not even towards our friends must we 
act on all occasions without deceit?" "We must not indeed," 
said he, "for I retract what I said before, if I may be permitted 
to do so." "It is indeed much better that you should be per- 
mitted," said Socrates, "than that you should not place actions 
on the right side. But of those who deceive their friends in 



v/ 



248 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

order to injure them (that we may not leave even this point un- 
considered), which of the two is the more unjust, he who does so 
intentionally or he who does so involuntarily?" 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 1 90-1 91 

11. ^'And that I speak the truth, you yourself also well know, 
if you do not expect to see the bodily forms of the gods, but 
will be content, as you behold their works, to worship and honor 
them. Reflect, too, that the gods themselves give us this intima- 
tion; for the other deities that give us blessings do not bestow 
any of them by coming manifestly before our sight; .and he that 
orders and holds together the whole universe, in which are all 
things beautiful and good, and who preserves it, for us who enjoy 
it, always unimpaired, undisordered, and undecaying, obeying 
his will swifter than thought and without irregularity, is himself 
manifested (only) in the performance of his mighty works, but is 
invisible to us while he regulates them. 

^^The soul of man, moreover, which partakes of the divine 
nature if anything else in man does, rules, it is evident, within us, 
but is itself unseen. Meditating on these facts, therefore, it be- 
hoves you not to despise the unseen gods, but, estimating their 
power from what is done by them, to reverence what is divine." 

Xenophon, Memorabilia, pp. 193-194 

12. Concerning justice, too, he did not conceal what sentiments 
he entertained, but made them manifest even by his actions, for 
he conducted himself, in his private capacity, justly and benefi- 
cently towards all men, and, as a citizen, he obeyed the 
magistrates in all that the laws enjoined, both in the city and on 
military expeditions, so that he was distinguished above other 
men for his observance of order. When he was president in 
the public assembly, he would not permit the people to give a vote 
contrary to law, but opposed himself, in defence of the laws, to 



SOCRATES AND HIS TEACHING 249 

such a storm of rage on the part of the populace as I think that no 
other man could have withstood. W^hen the Thirty Tyrants 
commanded him to do anything contrary to the laws, he refused 
to obey them; for both when they forbade him to converse with 
the young, and when they ordered him, and some others of the 
citizens, to lead a certain person away to death, he alone did not 
obey, because the order was given contrary to the laws. When 
he was accused by Meletus, and others were accustomed, before 
the tribunal, to speak so as to gain the favor of the judges, and to 
flatter them, and suppHcate them, in violation of the laws, and 
many persons, by such practices, had often been acquitted by the 
judges, he refused, on his trial, to comply with any practices op- 
posed to the laws, and though he might easily have been acquitted 
by his judges, if he had but in a slight degree adopted any of those 
customs, he chose rather to die abiding by the laws than to save 
his life by transgressing them. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What two charges were made against Socrates by the Athenian 
people? 2. What reasons does Xenophon give for not believing in the 
truth of the charges? 3. Is it possible that the Athenians believed 
them to be true ? 4. What was the manner of life of Socrates, i.e. how 
did he dress, what did he eat, and how did he pass his time? 5. What 
was his method of teaching and where did he teach? 6. Why did he 
teach? 7. What was his belief concerning the gods and the way in 
which they spoke to men? 8. Enumerate some of his teachings that 
seem excellent to you. 9. What was his teaching concerning prayers 
and sacrifice? 10. What was his philosophy of life? 11. How did 
his religion differ from that reflected in the Iliad? In the plays of 
Sophocles? 12. How did Xenophon learn of the teachings of Socrates 
and of his manner of life? 13. Can we feel certain that Xenophon has 
not at times substituted his own views for those of Socrates ? 



IX. THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 
A. Agesilaus in Asia Minor 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, p. 29 

I. B.C. 395. — After this, at the first faint indication of spring, 
he (Agesilaus) collected the whole of his army at Ephesus. But 
the army needed training. With that object he proposed a series 
of prizes — prizes to the several heavy infantry regiments, to be 
by those who presented their men in the best condition ; prizes w^on 
for the cavalry regiments which could ride best; prizes for those 
divisions of peltasts and archers which proved most efficient in 
their respective duties. And now the gymnasiums were a sight 
to see, thronged as they were, one and all, with warriors stripped 
for exercise ; or again, the hippodrome crowded with horses and 
riders performing their evolutions ; or the javelin men and archers 
going through their peculiar drill. In fact, the whole city where he 
lay presented under his hands a spectacle not to be forgotten. The 
market-place literally teemed with horses, arms, and accoutre- 
ments of all sorts for sale. The bronze-worker, the carpenter, 
the smith, the leather-cutter, the painter and embosser, were all 
busily engaged in fabricating the implements of w^ar; so that the 
city of Ephesus itself was fairly converted into a military workshop. 
It would have done a man's heart good to see those long Knes of 
soldiers with Agesilaus at their head, as they stepped gayly 
begarlanded from the gymnasiums to dedicate their wreaths to 
the goddess Artemis. Nor can I well conceive of elements more 
fraught with hope than were here combined. Here were reverence 
and piety towards heaven ; here practice in war and military train- 
ing; here discipline with habitual obedience to authority. But 

250 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 251 

contempt for one's enemy will infuse a kind of strength in battle. 
So the Spartan leader argued ; and with a view to its production he 
ordered the quartermasters to put up the prisoners who had been 
captured by his foraging bands for auction, stripped naked; so 
that his Hellene soldiery, as they looked at the white skins which 
had never been bared to sun and wind, the soft limbs unused to 
toil through constant riding in carriages, came to the conclusion 
that war with such adversaries would differ little from a fight 
with women. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How did Agesilaus prepare his army for the war against the Per- 
sians? 2. Which of these methods are still used in modern armies? 
3. Which would not be tolerated to-day? 4. Did the Spartans need 
such training as is indicated in this passage? 5. What proof of the 
influence of religion upon Greek life do you find in this extract ? 

B. The Corinthian War 
a. Persia uses Gold against Sparta 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, p. 32 

I. But now Tithrauste's seemed to have discovered in Agesilaus 
a disposition to despise the fortunes of the Persian monarch — he 
evidently had no intention to withdraw from Asia ; on the contrary, 
he was cherishing hopes vast enough to include the capture of the 
king himself. Being at his wits' end how to manage matters, he 
resolved to send Timocrates the Rhodian to Hellas with a gift 
of gold worth fifty silver talents, and enjoined upon him to en- 
deavor to exchange solemn pledges with the leading men in the 
several states, binding them to undertake a war against Lacede- 
mon. Timocrates arrived and began to dole out his presents. In 
Thebes he gave gifts to Androcleidas, Ismenias, and Galaxidorus ; 
in Corinth to Timolaus and Polyanthes; in Argos to Cylon and 



252 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

his party. The Athenians, though they took no share of the gold, 
were none the less eager for the war, being of opinion that 
empire was theirs by right. The recipients of the moneys forth- 
with began covertly to attack the Lacedemonians in the respective 
states and, when they had brought these to a sufficient pitch of 
hatred, bound together the most important of them in a confed- 
eracy. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How did Tithraustes hope to protect Persia against the Spartans? 
2. Was such a plan honorable? 3. Were the Greek statesmen who 
took Persian gold dishonorable? 4. Do you believe that Xenophon 
knew with certainty that these men were bribed ? 5. Is it easy to prove 
such things? 6. Was there any reason why the Greek states should, 
not receive Persian gold, and unite to throw off Spartan control ? 7. Com- 
pare, in number of states, the European world of the Mediterranean, 
at this time, with the larger European world of to-day. 8. Was it 
any less natural for a Greek state to combine with Persia against Sparta 
than for England to aid Turkey against Russia, for example ? 9. What 
is the ruling motive in each case ? 10. If there should be war between 
the United States and Canada, and New York state were to aid 
Canada against the United States, would we have a similar case ? 

b. The Battle of Coronea 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, pp. 55-57 

I. To confront Agesilaus stood an army composed of the Boeo- 
tians, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, ^nianians, Euboeans, and 
both divisions of the Locrians. Agesilaus on his side had with him 
a division of Lacedemonians, which had crossed from Corinth, also 
half the division from Orchomenus ; besides which there were the 
neodamodes from Lacedemon, on service with him already; and 
in addition to these the foreign contingent under Herippidas ; and 
again the quota furnished by the Hellenic cities in Asia, with 
others from the cities in Europe which he had brought over 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 253 

during his progress ; and lastly, there were additional levies from 
the spot — Orchomenian and Phocian heavy infantry. In light- 
armed troops, it must be admitted, the numbers told heavily 
in favor of Agesilaus, but the cavalry on both sides were fairly 
balanced. 

Such were the forces of either party. I will describe the battle 
itself, if only on account of certain features which distinguish it from 
the battles of our time. The two armies met on the plain of 
Coronea — the troops of Agesilaus advancing from the Cephissus, 
the Thebans and their allies from the slopes of Helicon. Agesilaus 
commanded his own right in person, with the men of Orchomenus 
on his extreme left. The Thebans formed their own right, while 
the Argives held their left. As they drew together, for a while deep 
silence reigned on either side ; but when they were not more than 
a furlong apart, with a loud hurrah the Thebans, quickening to a 
run, rushed furiously to close quarters ; and now there was barely a 
hundred yards' breadth between the armies, when Herippidas with 
his foreign brigade, and with them the lonians, ^olians, and Hel- 
lespontines, darted out from the Spartans' battle-lines to greet 
their onset. One and all of the above played their part in the 
first rush forward; in another instant they were within spear- 
thrust of the enemy, and had routed the section immediately before 
them. As to the Argives, they actually declined to receive the 
attack of Agesilaus, and betook themselves in flight to Helicon. 
At this moment some of the foreign division were already in the 
act of crowning Agesilaus with the wreath of victory, when some 
one brought him word that the Thebans had cut through the Or- 
chomenians and were in among the baggage train. At this the 
Spartan general immediately turned his army right about and 
advanced against them. The Thebans, on their side, catching 
sight of their allies withdrawn in flight to the base of Hehcon, and 
anxious to get across to their own friends, formed in close order 
and tramped forward stoutly. 



254 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

At this point no one will dispute the valor of Agesilaus, but he 
certainly did not choose the safest course. It was open to him to 
make way for the enemy to pass, which done, he might have hung 
upon his heels and mastered his rear. This, however, he refused 
to do, preferring to crash full front against the Thebans. There- 
upon, with close interlock of shield wedged in with shield, they 
shoved, they fought, they dealt death, they breathed out life, till 
at last a portion of the Thebans broke their way through towards 
HeHcon, but paid for that departure by the loss of many lives. 
And now the victory of Agesilaus was fairly won, and he himself, 
wounded, had been carried back to the main line, when a party 
of horse came galloping up to tell him that something like eighty 
of the enemy, under arms, were sheltering under the temple, and 
they asked what they ought to do. Agesilaus, though he was cov- 
ered with wounds, did not, for all that, forget his duty to God. 
He gave orders to let them retire unscathed, and would not suffer 
any injury to be done to them. And now, seeing it was already 
late, they took their suppers and retired to rest. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Were the Spartans at Coronea obliged to fight single-handed 
against all the other Greek states supported by Persia? 2. Describe 
the battle of Coronea. 3. What mistake did the Thebans make? 

4. How did the Thebans compare with the Spartans as fighters? 

5. What interesting customs do you notice in Xenophon's account of 
the battle that would not appear in an account of a modern battle? 

6. Why did Agesilaus' men not seize the enemy beneath the temple? 

c. Persia the Arbiter in the Affairs of Greece 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, pp. 81-S2 

I. B.C. 392. — The Lacedemonians were well informed of the 
proceedings of Conon. They knew that he was not only restoring 
the fortifications of Athens by help of the king's gold, but main- 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 255 

taining a fleet at his expense besides, and conciliating the islands 
and seaboard cities towards Athens. If, therefore, they could in- 
doctrinate Tiribazus — who was a general of the king — with 
their sentiments, they believed they could not fail either to draw 
him aside to their own interests, or, at any rate, to put a stop to his 
feeding Conon's navy. With this intention they sent Antalcidas 
to Tiribazus: his orders were to carry out this poHcy, and, if pos- 
sible, to arrange a peace between Lacedemon and the king. The 
Athenians, getting wind of this, sent a counter-embassy, con- 
sisting of Hermogenes, Dion, Callisthenes, and Callimedon, with 
Conon himself. They at the same time invited the attendance of 
ambassadors from the allies, and there were also present repre- 
sentatives of the Boeotians, of Corinth, and of Argos. When they 
had arrived at their destination, Antalcidas explained to Tiribazus 
the object of his visit: he wished, if possible, to cement a peace 
between the state he represented and the king — a peace, moreover, 
exactly suited to the aspirations of the king himself ; in other words, 
the Lacedemonians gave up all claim to the Hellenic cities in Asia 
as against the king, while for their own part they were content that 
all the islands and other cities should be independent. ^'Such 
being our unbiassed wishes," he continued, ^^for what earthly rea- 
son should (the Hellenes or) the king go to war with us? Or 
w^hy should he expend his money ? The king is guaranteed against 
attack on the part of Hellas, since the Athenians are powerless 
apart from our hegemony, and we are powerless so long as the 
separate states are independent.'' The proposals of Antalcidas 
sounded very pleasantly in the ears of Tiribazus, but to the oppo- 
nents of Sparta they w^ere the merest talk. The Athenians were 
apprehensive of an agreement which provided for the independence 
of the cities in the islands, whereby they might be deprived of 
Lemnos, Imbros, and Scyros. The Thebans, again, were afraid 
of being compelled to let the Boeotian states go free. The 
Argives did not see how such treaty contracts and covenants were 



256 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

compatible with the realization of their own great object — the 
absorption of Corinth by Argos. And so it came to pass that this 
peace proved abortive, and the representatives departed each to 
his ow^n home. 

Tiribazus, on his side, thought it hardly consistent with his own 
safety to adopt the cause of the Lacedemonians without the con- 
currence of the king — a scruple w^hich did not prevent him from 
privately presenting Antalcidas with a sum of money, in hopes 
that when the Athenians and their allies discovered that the Lace- 
demonians had the wherewithal to furnish a fleet, they might 
'perhaps be more disposed to desire peace. Further, accepting 
the statements of the Lacedemonians as true, he took on himself 
to secure the person of Conon, as guilty of wrongdoing towards the 
king, and shut him up. That done, he set off up country to the 
king to recount the proposals of Laced emon, with his own sub- 
sequent capture of Conon as a mischievous man, and to ask for 
further guidance on all these matters. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Was the alliance between Persia and Athens a good thing for both ? 

2. Why should the Lacedemonians wish to make peace with Persia? 

3. What do these diplomatic negotiations of the Greek states with Per- 
sia prove concerning the poHtical unity of the Greeks ? 4. How did the 
attitude of the Greek states towards Persia at this time differ from their 
attitude at the time of the Persian wars? 5. To what was the change 
due? 6. When was Persia more powerful, when she had an army in 
Attica or when she was ruling Greek affairs with her gold? 7. When 
was she most dangerous to the Greeks? 8. Why did the Greeks not 
unite to form one great state like the United States? 9. What did the 
words ''my country" mean to a Greek? 10. What motives influenced 
the Greeks in their international relations? 11. What could Sparta 
gain by an alliance with Persia, and what would she lose? 12. How 
did Persia profit by this state of the world? 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 257 

d. The Peace of Antalcidas, 387 B.C. 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, pp. 96-100 

I. B.C. 388-387. — Antalcidas had now returned from the Per- 
sian court with Tiribazus. The negotiations had been successful. 
He had secured the alHance of the Persian king and his mihtary 
cooperation in case the Athenians and their alHes refused to abide 
by the peace which the king dictated. But learning that his sec- 
ond in command, Nichlochus, was being blockaded with his 
fleet by Iphicrates and Diotimus in Abydos, he set off at once by 
land for that city. Being come thither he took the fleet one night 
and put out to sea, having first spread a story that he had invi- 
tations from a party in Calchedon ; but as a matter of fact he came 
to anchorage in Percote and there kept quiet. Meanwhile the 
Athenian forces under Dem^netus and Dionvsius and Leon- 
tichus and Phanias had got wind of his movement, and were in 
hot pursuit towards Proconnesus. As soon as they were well past, 
the Spartan veered round and returned to Abydos, trusting to 
information brought him of the approach of Polyxenus with the 
Syracusan and Italian squadron of twxnty ships, which he wished 
to pick up and incorporate with his own. 

A Httle later the Athenian Thrasybulus (of Collytus) was mak- 
ing his way up with eight ships from Thrace, his object being to 
effect a junction with the main Athenian squadron. The scouts 
signafled the approach of eight triremes, whereupon Antalcidas, 
embarking his marines on board twelve of the fastest sailers of his 
fleet, ordered them to make up their full complements, where de- 
fective, from the remaining vessels ; and so lay to, skulking in his 
lair with all possible secrecy. As soon as the enemy's vessels came 
saiHng past he gave chase ; and they catching sight of him took 
to flight. With his swiftest sailers he speedily overhauled their 
laggards, and ordering his vanguard to let these alone, he followed 
hard on those ahead. But when the foremost had fallen into his 



258 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

clutches, the enemy's hinder vessels, seeing their leaders taken one 
by one, out of sheer despondency fell an easy prey to the slower 
sailers of the foe, so that not one of the eight vessels escaped. 

Presently the Syracusan squadron of twenty vessels joined him, 
and again another squadron from Ionia, or rather so much of that 
district as lay under the control of Tiribazus. The full quota of 
the contingent was further made up from the territory of Ario- 
barzanes (with whom Antalcidas kept up a friendship of long 
standing), in the absence of Pharnabazus, w^ho by this date had 
already been summoned up country on the occasion of his mar- 
riage with the king's daughter. With this fleet, which, from w^hat- 
ever sources derived, amounted to more than eighty sail, Antal- 
cidas ruled the seas, and was in a position not only to cut off the 
passage of vessels bound to Athens from the Euxine, but to convoy 
them into the harbors of Sparta's allies. 

The Athenians could not but watch with alarm the growth of 
the enemy's fleet, and began to fear a repetition of their former 
discomfiture. To be trampled under foot by the hostile power 
seemed indeed no remote possibility, now that the Lacedemonians 
had procured an ally in the person of the Persian monarch, and 
they were in little less than a state of siege themselves, pestered as 
they were by privateers from yEgina. On all these grounds the 
Athenians became passionately desirous of peace. The Lace- 
demonians were equally out of humor with the war for various 
reasons — what with their garrison duties, one mora at Lechaeum, 
and another at Orchomenus, and the necessity of keeping w^atch 
and ward on the states, if loyal not to lose them, if disaffected to 
prevent their revolt ; not to mention that reciprocity of annoyance 
of which Corinth was the centre. So again the Argives had a 
strong appetite for peace ; they knew that the ban had been called 
out against them, and, it was plain, that no fictitious alteration of 
the calendar would any longer stand them in good stead. Hence, 
when Tiribazus issued a summons calling on all who were willing to 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 259 

listen to the terms of peace sent down by the king to present them- 
selves, the invitation v^as promptly accepted. At the opening of 
the conclave Tiribazus pointed to the king's seal attached to 
the document, and proceeded to read the contents, which ran as 
follows : — 

''The king, Artaxerxes, deems it just that the cities in Asia, with 
the islands of Clazomenae and Cyprus, should belong to himself; 
the rest of the Hellenic cities he thinks it just to leave independent, 
both small and great, with the exception of Lemnos, Imbros, and 
Scyros, which three are to belong to Athens as of yore. Should 
any of the parties concerned not accept this peace, I, Artaxerxes, 
will war against him or them with those who share my views. 
This will I do by land and by sea, with ships and with money." 

After listening to the above declaration the ambassadors from 
the several states proceeded to report the same to their respective 
governments. One and all of these took the oaths to ratify and 
confirm the terms unreservedly, with the exception of the Thebans, 
who claimed to take the oaths in behalf of all Boeotians. This 
claim Agesilaus repudiated : unless they chose to take the oaths in 
precise conformity with the words of the king's edict, which in- 
sisted on ''the future autonomy of each state, small or great," 
he would not admit them. To this the Theban ambassadors made 
no other reply, except that the instructions they had received were 
different. "Pray go, then," Agesilaus retorted, "and ask the ques- 
tion ; and you may inform your countrymen that if they will not 
comply, they will be excluded from the treaty." The Theban 
ambassadors departed, but Agesilaus, out of hatred to the Thebans, 
took active measures at once. Having got the consent of the ephors 
he forthwith offered sacrifice. The offerings for crossing the fron- 
tier were propitious, and he pushed on to Tegea. From Tegea 
he despatched some of the knights right and left to visit the peri- 
oeci and hasten their mobilization, and at the same time sent com- 
manders of foreign brigades to the allied cities on a similar errand. 



26o SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

But before he had started from Tegea the answer from Thebes 
arrived; the point was yielded, they would suffer the states to 
be independent. Under these circumstances the Lacedemonians 
returned home, and the Thebans w^ere forced to accept the truce 
unconditionally, and to recognize the autonomy of the Boeotian 
cities. But now^ the Corinthians w^ere by no means disposed to 
part with the garrison of the Argives. Accordingly Agesilaus had 
a word of warning for both. To the former he said, ^'if they did 
not forthwith dismiss the Argives," and to the latter, ''if they did 
not instantly quit Corinth," he would march an army into their 
territories. The terror of both was so great that the Argives 
marched out of Corinth, and Corinth was once again left to herself; 
whereupon the ''butchers'' and their accomplices in the deed of 
blood determined to retire from Corinth, and the rest of the citi- 
zens welcomed back their late exiles voluntarily. 

Now^ that the transactions were complete, and the states were 
bound by their oaths to abide by the peace sent down to them by 
the king, the immediate result was a general disarmament, mili- 
tary and naval forces being alike disbanded; and so it was that 
the Lacedemonians and Athenians, with their allies, found them- 
selves in the enjoyment of peace for the first time since the period 
of hostilities subsequent to the demolition of the walls of Athens. 
From a condition w^hich, during the war, can only be described as 
a sort of even balance with their antagonists, the Lacedemonians 
now emerged; and reached a pinnacle of glory consequent upon 
the peace of Antalcidas, so called. As guarantors of the peace 
presented to Hellas by the king, and as administrators personally 
of the autonomy of the states, they had added Corinth to their 
alliance ; they had obtained the independence of the states of Boe- 
otia at the expense of Thebes, which meant the gratification of 
an old ambition ; and lastly, by calling out the ban in case the 
Argives refused to evacuate Corinth, they had put a stop to 
the appropriation of that city by the Argives. 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 261 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was the immediate result of the peace between Sparta and 
Persia? 2. Who dictated peace to the world? 3. Which state held 
the balance of power in this world of the iEgean Sea ? 4. What other 
states combined with Sparta against Athens? 5. Why was the loss of 
the control of the entrance to the Black Sea a serious matter to Athens ? 
6. Who gained and who lost by the peace of Antalcidas? 7. Compare 
the position of Sparta after the peace with her position in 395. 8. At 
which date was she stronger? 

C. The Spartans seize the Citadel of Thebes 

XenOphon, Hellenica, II, pp. 107-110 

I. Phoebidas, when the remaining portion of his brother's forces 
was duly mustered, put himself at their head and commenced his 
march. On reaching Thebes the troops encamped outside the 
city, round the gymnasium. Faction was rife within the city. The 
two polemarchs in ofSce, Ismenias and Leontiades, were diametri- 
cally opposed, being the respective heads of antagonistic pohtical 
clubs. Hence it w^as that while Ismenias, ever inspired by hatred 
to the Lacedemonians, would not come anywhere near the Spar- 
tan general, Leontiades, on the other hand, was assiduous in 
courting him; and w^hen a sufficient intimacy w^as established 
between them, he made a proposal as foUow^s: ^'You have it in 
your power," he said, addressing Phoebidas, ''this very day to 
confer supreme benefit on your country. Follow me with your 
hoplites and I will introduce you into the citadel. That done, 
you may rest assured Thebes will be completely under the thumb 
of Lacedemon and of us, your friends. At present, as you see, there 
is a proclamation forbidding any Theban to take service with you 
against Olynthus, but w^e will change all that. You have only to 
act w^ith us as we suggest, and we shall at once be able to furnish 
you with large supplies of infantry and cavalry, so that you will 



262 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

join your brother with a magnificent reinforcement, and pending his 
proposed reduction of Olynthus, you will have accomplished the 
reduction of a far larger state than that — to wit, this city of 
Thebes." 

The imagination of Phoebidas was kindled as he listened to the 
tempting proposal. To do a brilliant deed was far dearer to him 
than life; on the other hand, he had no reasoning capacity, and 
w^ould seem to have been deficient altogether in sound sense. The 
consent of the Spartan secured, Leontiades bade him set his troops 
in motion, as if everything were ready for his departure. ^'And 
anon, when the hour is come," added the Theban, ^'I will be with 
you, and show you the way myself." 

The senate was seated in the arcade or stoa in the market- 
place, since the Cadmeia was in possession of the women who were 
celebrating the Thesmophoria. It was noon of a hot summer's 
day; scarcely a soul was stirring in the streets. This w^as the 
moment for Leontiades. He mounted on horseback and galloped 
off to overtake Phoebidas. He turned him back, and led him 
without further delay into the acropoHs. Having posted Phoe- 
bidas and his soldiers inside, he handed him the key of the gates, 
and warning him not to suffer any one to enter into the citadel 
without a pass from himself, he straightway betook himself to the 
senate. Arrived there, he dehvered himself thus: ^'Sirs, the 
Lacedemonians are in possession of the citadel; but that is no 
cause for despondency, since, as they assure us, they have no hos- 
tile intention, except, indeed, towards any one who has an appetite 
for war. For myself, and acting in obedience to the law, which 
empowers the polemarch to apprehend all persons suspected of 
capital crimes, I hereby seize the person of Ismenias as an 
archfomenter of war. I call upon you, sirs, who are captains of 
companies, and you who are ranked with them, to do your duty. 
Arise and secure the prisoner, and lead him away to the place 
appointed." 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 263 

Those who were privy to the affair, it will be understood, pre- 
sented themselves, and the orders were promptly carried out. Of 
those not in the secret, but opposed to the party of Leontiades, 
some sought refuge at once outside the city in terror for their lives ; 
whilst the rest, albeit they retired to their houses at first, yet when 
they found that Ismenias was imprisoned in the Cadmeia, and 
further delay seemed dangerous, retreated to Athens. These w^ere 
the men who shared the view^s of Androcleidas and Ismenias, and 
they must have numbered about three hundred. 

Now that the transactions were concluded, another polemarch 
was chosen in place of Ismenias, and Leontiades at once set out 
to Lacedemon. There he found the ephors and the mass of the 
community highly incensed against Phoebidas, ^Svho had failed to 
execute the orders assigned him by the state." Against this gen- 
eral indignation, however, Agesilaus protested. If mischief had 
been wrought to Lacedemon by this deed, it was just that the doer 
of it should be punished ; but, if good, it was a time-honored 
custom to allow full scope for impromptu acts of this character. 
'^The sole point you have to look to," he urged, ^'is w^hether w^hat 
has been done is good or evil." After this, however, Leontiades 
presented himself to the assembly and addressed the members as 
follows: ''Sirs, Lacedemonians, the hostile attitude of Thebes 
towards you, before the occurrence of late events, was a topic con- 
stantly on your lips, since time upon time your eyes were called 
upon to w^itness her friendly bearing to your foes in contrast with 
her hatred of your friends. Can it be denied that Thebes refused 
to take part with you in the campaign against your direst enemy, 
the democracy in Piraeus ; and balanced that lukewarmness by an 
onslaught on the Phocians, whose sole crime was cordiahty to 
yourselves? Nor is that all. In full knowledge that you w^re 
likely to be engaged in w^ar with Olynthus, she proceeded at once 
to make an alliance with that city. So that up to the last moment 
you were in constant expectation of hearing some day that the 



264 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

whole of Boeotia was laid at the feet of Thebes. With the late 
incidents all is changed. You need fear Thebes no longer. One 
brief despatch in cipher will suffice to procure a dutiful subser- 
vience to your every wish in that quarter, provided only you will 
take as kindly an interest in us as we in you.'' 

This appeal told upon the meeting, and the Lacedemonians 
resolved formally, now that the citadel had been taken, to keep it, 
and to put Ismenias on his trial. In consequence of this reso- 
lution a body of commissioners was despatched, three Lacede- 
monians and one for each of the allied states, great and small alike. 
The court of inquiry thus constituted, the sittings commenced, 
and an indictment w^as preferred against Ismenias. He was ac- 
cused of playing into the hands of the barbarian ; of seeking amity 
with the Persian to the detriment of Hellas ; of accepting sums of 
money as bribes from the king; and, finally, of being, along with 
Androcleidas, the prime cause of the w^hole intestine trouble to 
which Hellas w^as a prey. Each of these charges was met by the 
defendant, but to no purpose, since he failed to disabuse the court 
of their conviction that the grandeur of his designs was only 
equalled by their wickedness. The verdict was given against 
him, and he w^as put to death. The party of Leontiades thus 
possessed the city; and wxnt beyond the injunctions given them 
in the eager performance of their services. 

QUESTIONS 

I. To what was the seizure of the Theban citadel due? 2. How 
much of Xenophon's account of this event should be received with 
caution, i.e. should we accept as equally reliable his report of the words 
used by Leontiades and his statement that the Spartans took possession 
of the citadel ? Could he know more about the one than about the other ? 
3. How was the act of Phcebidas regarded in Sparta ? 4. What do you 
think of the ethics of Agesilaus? 5. What right had Sparta and her 
allies to try Ismenias? 6. Would England, France, and Russia have 



THE SPARTAN SUPREMACY 



265 



a right to arrest and try a German statesman on the ground that he 
was favoring Japan against Europe? 7. Was there really a '^Hellas/' 
a united Greece, as the charges against Ismenias seemed to intimate, 
or was the term used in the same sense that "Europe" is used to-day? 
8. Were any of the leading Greek states guiltless of the charges brought 
against Ismenias? 




Fig. 17. Bema 



X. THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 
A. The Liberation of Thebes 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, pp. 119-1 22 

I. Abundant examples might be found, alike in Hellenic 
and in foreign history, to prove that the divine powers mark what 
is done amiss, winking neither at impiety nor at the commission 
of unhallowed acts; but at present I confine myself to the facts 
before me. The Lacedemonians, who had pledged themselves 
by oath to leave the states independent, had laid violent hands on 
the acropolis of Thebes, and were eventually punished by the vic- 
tims of that iniquity single-handed, — the Lacedemonians, be it 
noted, who had never before been mastered by living man; and 
not they alone, but those citizens of Thebes who introduced them 
into their acropolis, and who wished to enslave their city to Lace- 
demon, that they might play the tyrant themselves — how fared 
it with them? A bare score of the fugitives were sufficient to 
destroy their government. How^ this happened I will now narrate 
in detail. 

There was a man named Phyllidas — he was secretary to Ar- 
chias, that is, to the polemarchs. Beyond his official duties he 
had rendered his chief other services, and all apparently in an exem- 
plary fashion. A visit to Athens in pursuance of some business 
brought this man into contact with a former acquaintance of his 
own. Melon, one of the exiles who had fled for safety to Athens. 
Melon had various questions to ask touching the sort of tyranny 
practised by Archias in the exercise of the polemarchy, and by 
Philip. He soon discovered that affairs at home were still more 
detestable to Phyllidas than to himself. It only remained to ex- 

266 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 267 

change pledges, and to arrange the details of what was to be done. 
After a certain interval Melon, accompanied by six of the trustiest 
comrades he could find among his fellows-exiles, set off for Thebes. 
They were armed with nothing but daggers, and first of all crept 
into the neighborhood under cover of night. The whole of the 
next day they lay concealed in a desert place, and drew near to the 
city gates in the guise of laborers returning home with the latest 
comers from the fields. Having got safely w^ithin the city, they 
spent the whole of that night at the house of a man named Charon, 
and again the next day in the same fashion. Phyllidas meanwhile 
was busily taken up with the concerns of the polemarchs, w^ho were 
to celebrate a feast of Aphrodite on going out of office. Amongst 
other things, the secretary was to take this opportunity of fulfilling 
an old undertaking, which w^as the introduction of certain women 
to the polemarchs. They were to be the most majestic and the 
most beautiful to be found in Thebes. . . . Supper was over, 
and, thanks to the zeal with which the master of the ceremonies 
responded to their mood, they were speedily intoxicated. To 
their oft-repeated orders to introduce the w^omen, he went out and 
fetched Melon and the rest, three of them dressed up as ladies and 
the rest as their attendant maidens. Having brought them into 
the treasury of the polemarchs' residence, he returned himself 
and announced to Archias and his friends that the women 
w^ould not present themselves as long as any of the attendants 
remained in the room; whereupon they promptly bade all 
withdraw, and Phyllidas, furnishing the servants with a stoup 
of wine, sent them off to the house of one of them. And now at 
last he introduced the women, and led them to their seats beside 
their respective lords. It was preconcerted that as soon as they 
were seated they were to throw aside their veils and strike home. 
That is one version of the death of the polemarchs. According 
to another. Melon and his friends came in as revellers, and so 
despatched their victims. 



268 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

That over, Phyllidas, with three of the band, set ofif to the house 
of Leontiades. Arrived there, he knocked at the door, and sent in 
word that he had a message from the polemarchs. Leontiades, 
as chance befell, was still reclining in privacy after dinner, and his 
wife was seated beside him working wools. The fidelity of Phyl- 
lidas was well known to him, and he gave orders to admit him at 
once. They entered, slew Leontiades, and with threats silenced 
his wife. As they went out they ordered the door to be shut, 
threatening that if they found it open they would kill every one in 
the house. And now that this deed was done, Phyllidas, with two 
of the band, presented himself at the prison, telling the jailer he 
had brought a man from the polemarchs to be locked up. The 
jailer opened the door, and was at once despatched, and the pris- 
oners were released. These they speedily supplied with arms taken 
from the armory in the stoa, and then led them to the ampheion, 
and bade them take up a position there, after which they at once 
made a proclamation caUing on all Thebans to come out, horse 
and foot, seeing that the tyrants were dead. The citizens, indeed, 
as long as it was night, not knowing w^hom or what to trust, kept 
quiet, but when day dawned and revealed what had occurred, 
the summons was responded to with alacrity, heavy infantry and 
cavalry under arms alike sallying forth. Horsemen were also 
despatched by the now restored exiles to the two Athenian gen- 
erals on the frontier; and they, being aware of the object of the 
message (promptly responded). 

On the other hand, the Lacedemonian governor in the citadel, 
as soon as that night's proclamation reached his ears, was not slow 
to send to Plataea and Thespiae for reinforcements. The ap- 
proach of the Plataeans was perceived by the Theban cavalry, who 
met them and killed a score of them and more, and after that 
achievement returned to the city, to find the Athenians from the 
frontier already arrived. Then they assaulted the acropoHs. 
The troops within recognized the paucity of their own numbers. 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 269 

whilst the zeal of their opponents (one and all advancing to the 
attack) was plainly visible, and loud w^ere the proclamations, 
promising rewards to those who should be first to scale the walls. 
All this so worked upon their fears that they agreed to evacuate 
the place if the citizens would allow them a safe-conduct to retire 
with their arms. To this request the others gladly yielded, and 
they made a truce. Oaths were taken on the terms aforesaid, and 
the citizens dismissed their adversaries. For all that, as the 
garrison retired, those of them who were recognized as personal 
foes w^ere seized and put to death. Some were rescued through 
the good offices of the Athenian reinforcements from the frontier, 
who smuggled them across and saved them. The Thebans were 
not content with putting the men to death ; if any of them had 
children, these also were sacrificed to their vengeance. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Who benefited by the presence of a Spartan garrison in the 
citadel of Thebes? 2. Where was the plot formed to recover the cita- 
del? 3. What was the relation of Athens to the conspiracy? 4. Was 
the sole aim of the conspirators to expel the Spartans? 5. Can we 
feel sure that the conspirators got possession of Thebes in just the way 
in which Xenophon describes it ? 6. How did he know what took place ? 

7. Did the deed seem to meet the approval of the Athenian people? 

8. Is it probable that the Thebans would have been successful without 
the aid of the Athenians^ 9. Can you think of any reasons why the 
Athenians should aid them ? 10. What acts of the Thebans at this time 
were barbarous? 11. What is there in the above extract that shows 
Xenophon's attitude towards religion? 

B. The Battle of Leuctra 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, pp. 157-163 

I. The arguments of the speakers wxre approved, and the La- 
cedemonians passed a resolution to accept peace on a threefold 



270 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

basis: the withdrawal of the governors from the cities, the dis- 
banding of armaments naval and military, and the guarantee of 
independence to the states. "If any state transgressed these 
stipulations, it lay at the option of any power whatsoever to aid 
the states so injured, while, conversely, to bring such aid w^as not 
compulsory on any powder against its will." On these terms the 
oaths were administered and accepted by the Lacedemonians on 
behalf of themselves and their allies, and by the Athenians and 
their allies separately state by state. The Thebans had entered 
their individual name among the states which accepted the oaths, 
but their ambassadors came the next day with instructions to alter 
the name of the signatories, substituting for Thebans Boeotians. 
But Agesilaus answered to this demand that he would alter noth- 
ing of what they had in the first instance sworn to and subscribed. 
If they did not wish to be included in the treaty, he was willing to 
erase their name at their bidding. So it came to pass that the rest 
of the w^orld made peace, the sole point of dispute being confined 
to the Thebans; and the Athenians came to the conclusion that 
there was a fair prospect of the Thebans being now literally deci- 
mated. As to the Thebans themselves, they retired from Sparta 
in utter despondency. 

In consequence of the peace, the Athenians proceeded to 
withdraw their garrisons from the different states, and sent to 
recall Iphicrates with his fleet; besides which they forced him to 
restore everything captured subsequently to the late solemn un- 
dertaking at Lacedemon. The Lacedemonians acted differently. 
Although they withdrew their governors and garrisons from the 
other states, in Phocis they did not do so. Here Cleombrotus w^as 
quartered with his army, and sent to ask directions from the 
home authorities. A speaker, Prothous, maintained that their 
business was to disband the army in accordance with their oaths, 
and then to send round invitations to the states to contribute what 
each felt individually disposed, and lay such sum in the temple of 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 271 

Apollo ; after which, if any attempt to hinder the independence 
of the states on any side were manifested, it would be time enough 
then again to invite all who cared to protect the principle of au- 
tonomy to march against its opponents. ^'In this way,'' he added, 
^^I think the goodwill of heaven will be secured, and the states will 
suffer least annoyance." But the assembly, on hearing these views, 
agreed that this man was talking nonsense. Puppets in the hand 
of fate ! An unseen power, as it would seem, was already driving 
them onwards ; so they sent instructions to Cleombrotus not to dis- 
band the army, but to march straight against the Thebans, if they 
refused to recognize the autonomy of the states. (Cleombrotus, 
it is understood, had, on hearing the news of the establishment 
of peace, sent to the ephorate to ask for guidance ; and then they 
sent him the above instructions, bidding him under the circum- 
stances named to march upon Thebes.) 

The Spartan king soon perceived that, so far from leaving the 
Boeotian states their autonomy, the Thebans were not even 
preparing to disband their army, clearly in view^ of a general en- 
gagement ; he therefore felt justified in marching his troops into 
Boeotia. The point of ingress which he adopted was not that which 
the Thebans anticipated from Phocis, and where they were keep- 
ing guard at a defile ; but, marching through Thisbae by a moun- 
tainous and unsuspected route, he arrived before Creusis, taking 
that fortress and capturing twelve Theban war-vessels besides. 
After this achievement he advanced from the seaboard and 
encamped in Leuctra on Thespian territory. The Thebans 
encamped on a rising ground immediately opposite at no great 
distance, and were supported by no allies except the Boeotians. 

At this juncture the friends of Cleombrotus came to him and 
urged upon him strong reasons for delivering battle. ^'If you let 
the Thebans escape without a battle," they said, ^'you wull run 
great risks of suffering the extreme penalty at the hands of the 
state. People will call to mind against you the time when you 



272 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

reached Cynoscephalae and did not ravage a square foot of The- 
ban territory ; and again, a subsequent expedition when you were 
driven back foiled in your attempt to make an entry into the 
enemy's country — while Agesilaus on each occasion found his 
entry by Mount Cithaeron. If then you have any care for your- 
self, or any attachment to your fatherland, march you must against 
the enemy." That was w^hat his friends urged. As to his oppo- 
nents, what they said was, ^'Now ^ur fine friend will show whether 
he really is so concerned on behalf of the Thebans as he is said 
to be." 

Cleombrotus, with these words ringing in his ears, felt driven to 
join battle. On their side the leaders of Thebes calculated that, 
if they did not fight, their provincial cities would hold aloof from 
them and Thebes itself would be besieged ; while, if the common- 
alty of Thebes failed to get supplies, there was every prospect that 
the city itself would turn against them; and, seeing that many of 
them had already tasted the bitterness of exile, they came to the 
conclusion that it was better for them to die on the field of battle 
than to renew that experience. Besides this they were somewhat 
encouraged by the recital of an oracle which predicted that the 
Lacedemonians would be defeated on the spot where the monu- 
ment of the maidens stood, who, as the story goes, being vio- 
lated by certain Lacedemonians, had slain themselves. This 
sepulchral monument the Thebans decked with ornaments before 
the battle. Furthermore, tidings were brought them from the 
city that all the temples had opened of their own accord ; and the 
priestesses asserted that the gods revealed victory. Again, from 
the lieracleion men said that the arms had disappeared, as though 
Heracles himself had sallied forth to battle. It is true that another 
interpretation of these marvels made them out to be one and all 
the artifices of the leaders of Thebes. However this may be, every- 
thing in the battle turned out adverse to the Lacedemonians; 
while fortune herself lent aid to the Thebans and crowned their 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 273 

efforts with success. Cleombrotus held his last council 'Svhether 
to fight or not," after the morning meal. In the heat of noon a 
little wine goes a long way ; and people said that it took a some- 
what provocative effect on their spirits. 

Both sides were now arming, and there were the unmistakable 
signs of approaching battle, when, as the first incident, there is- 
sued from the Boeotian lines a long train bent on departure — 
these were the furnishers of the market, a detachment of baggage 
bearers, and in general such people as had no incHnation to join 
in the fight. These were met on their retreat and attacked by the 
mercenary troops under Hiero, who got round them by a circular 
movement. The mercenaries were supported by the Phocian 
light infantry and some squadrons of Heracleot and Phliasian 
cavalry, who fell upon the retiring train and turned them back, 
pursuing them and driving them into the camp of the Boeotians. 
The immediate effect was to make the Boeotian portion of the 
army more numerous and closer packed than before. The next 
feature of the combat was that in consequence of the fiat space 
of plain between the opposing armies, the Lacedemonians posted 
their cavalry in front of their squares of infantry, and the The- 
bans followed suit. Only there was this difference, — the The- 
ban cavalry was in a high state of training and efficiency, owing 
to their w^ar with the Orchomenians and again their war \yith 
Thespiae, whilst the cavalry of the Lacedemonians was at its 
worst at this period. The horses were reared and kept by the 
wealthiest members of the state ; but whenever the ban was called 
out, an appointed trooper appeared who took the horse with any 
sort of arms which might be presented to him, and set oft* on the 
expedition at a moment's notice. Moreover, these troopers were 
the least able-bodied of the men : raw recruits set simply astride 
their horses, and devoid of soldierly ambition. Such was the 
cavalry of either antagonist. 

The heavy infantry of the Lacedemonians, it is said, advanced 



274 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

by sections three files abreast, allowing a total depth to the whole 
line of not more than twelve. The Thebans were formed in close 
order of not less than fifty shields deep, calculating that victory 
gained over the king's division of the army implied the easy 
conquest of the rest. 

Cleombrotus had hardly begun to lead his division against the 
foe when, before in fact the troops with him were aware of his ad- 
vance, the cavalry had already come into collision, and that of the 
Lacedemonians was speedily w^orsted. In their flight they be- 
came involved with their own heavy infantry ; and to make matters 
worse, the Theban regiments were already attacking vigorously. 
Still strong evidence exists for supposing that Cleombrotus and 
his division were, in the first instance, victorious in the battle, if 
we consider the fact that they could never have picked him up and 
brought him back alive unless his vanguard had been masters of 
the situation for the moment. 

When, however, Deinon the polemarch and Sphodrias, a mem- 
ber of the king's council, with his son Cleonymus, had fallen, then 
it was that the cavalry and the polemarch's adjutants, as they are 
called, with the rest, under pressure of the mass against them, 
began retreating; and the left wing of the Lacedemonians, seeing 
the right borne down in this way, also swerved. Still, in spite of 
the numbers slain, and broken as they were, as soon as they 
had crossed the trench which protected their camp in front, they 
grounded arms on the spot whence they had rushed to battle. This 
camp, it must be borne in mind, did not lie at all on the level, but 
was pitched on a somewhat steep incline. At this juncture there 
were some of the Lacedemonians who, looking upon such a dis- 
aster as intolerable, maintained that they ought to prevent the 
enemy from erecting a trophy, and try to recover the dead not under 
a flag of truce, but by another battle. The polemarchs, however, 
seeing that nearly a thousand men of the total Lacedemonian 
troops were slain ; seeing also that of the seven hundred Spartans 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 275 

themselves who were on the field something like four hundred lay 
dead ; aware, further, of the despondency which reigned among 
the allies, and the general disinclination on their part to fight 
longer (a frame of mind not far removed in some instances from 
positive satisfaction at what had taken place) — under the cir- 
cumstances, I say, the polemarchs called a council of the ablest 
representatives of the shattered army and dehberated as to what 
should be done. Finally, the unanimous opinion was to pick up 
the dead under a flag of truce, and they sent a herald to treat 
for terms. The Thebans after that set up a trophy and gave back 
the bodies under a truce. 

After these events, a messenger was despatched to Lacedemon 
with news of the calamity. He reached his destination on the last 
day of the gymnopaedia^, just when the chorus of grown men 
had entered the theatre. The ephors heard the mournful tidings 
not without grief and pain, as needs they must, I take it ; but for 
all that they did not dismiss the chorus, but allowed the contest 
to run out its natural course. What they did was to deliver the 
names of those who had fallen to their friends and families, with a 
word of warning to the women not to make any loud lamentation 
but to bear their sorrow in silence ; and the next day it was a 
striking spectacle to see those who had relations among the slain 
moving to and fro in public with bright and radiant looks, whilst 
of those whose friends were reported to be living barely a man 
was to be seen, and these flitted by with lowered heads and scowl- 
ing brows, as if in humiliation. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What led to the invasion of Boeotia by the Lacedemonians? 
2. Why did the Thebans finally refuse to sign the peace? 3. Was 
Sparta consistent in refusing to allow the Thebans to change their sig- 
nature ? 4. Did the Spartans carry out the terms of the treaty f' 5. Why 
did they follow this course? 6. What induced Cleombrotus to offer 



276 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

battle to the Thebans? 7. What was the composition of his army? 
8. What happened to put the Thebans in good spirits? 9. What 
significant remark does Xenophon make about these things? 10. Be- 
sides the omen what other motives influenced the Thebans to give battle ? 
II. On what kind of ground was the battle fought? 12. Did that 
give an advantage to either side ? 13. To what was the Theban victory 
due? 14. Had the Spartans never been defeated before? 15. How 
did the Spartan training show itself in Sparta after the battle ? 

C. The Thebans invade Laconia 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, pp. 177-179 

I. After these achievements the Arcadians marched to join the 
Thebans at Caryae, and the Thebans, hearing what wonders the 
Arcadians had performed, commenced their descent with far 
greater confidence. Their first exploit was to burn and ravage 
the district of Sellasia, but finding themselves ere long in the flat 
land within the sacred enclosure of Apollo, they encamped for the 
night, and the next day continued their march along the Eurotas. 
W^hen they came to the bridge they made no attempt to cross it 
to attack the city, for they caught sight of the heavy infantry in 
the temple of Alea ready to meet them. So, keeping the Eurotas 
on their right, they tramped along, burning and pillaging home- 
steads stocked with numerous stores. The feelings of the citizens 
may well be imagined. The women who had never set eyes upon 
a foe could scarcely contain themselves as they beheld the cloud 
of smoke. The Spartan w^arriors, inhabiting a city \vithout for- 
tifications, posted at intervals, here one and there another, were 
in truth what they appeared to be — the veriest handful. And 
these kept watch and ward. The authorities passed a resolution 
to announce to the helots that whosoever among them chose to 
take arms and join a regiment should have his freedom guaran- 
teed to him by solemn pledges in return for assistance in the com- 
mon war. More than six thousand helots, it is said, enrolled 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 277 

themselves, so that a new terror was excited by the very incorpora- 
tion of these men, whose numbers seemed to be excessive. But 
w^hen it w^as found that the mercenaries from Orchomenus re- 
mained faithful, and reinforcements came to Lacedemon from 
Phlius, Corinth, Epidaurus, and Pellene, and some other states, 
the dread of these new levies was speedily diminished. 

The enemy in his advance came to Amyclae. Here he crossed 
the Eurotas. The Thebans w^herever they encamped at once formed 
a stockade of the fruit-trees they had felled, as thickly piled as 
possible, and so kept ever on their guard. The Arcadians did 
nothing of the sort. They left their camping-ground and took 
themselves off to attack the homesteads and loot. On the third 
or fourth day after their arrival the cavalry advanced, squadron by 
squadron, as far as the racecourse, wathin the sacred enclosure of 
Gaiaochos. These consisted of the entire Theban cavalry and 
the Eleians, with as many of the Phocian or Thessalian or Locrian 
cavalry as were present. The cavalry of the Lacedemonians, 
looking a mere handful, were drawn up to meet them. They had 
posted an ambuscade chosen from their heavy infantry, the younger 
men, about three hundred in number, in the house of the Tynda- 
rids; and while the cavalry charged, out rushed the three hundred 
at the same instant at full pace. The enemy did not w^ait to receive 
the double charge, but sw^erved, and at sight of that many also 
of the infantry took to headlong flight. But the pursuers pres- 
ently paused ; the Theban army remained motionless ; and both 
parties returned to their camps. And now the hope, the confidence 
strengthened that an attack upon the city itself would never come ; 
nor did it. The invading army broke up from their ground, and 
marched off on the road to Helos and Gytheum. The unwalled 
cities were consigned to the flames, but Gytheum, where the La- 
cedemonians had their naval arsenal, was subjected to assault for 
three days. Certain of the provincials also joined in this attack, 
and shared the campaign with the Thebans and their friends. 



278 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

QUESTIONS 

I. What allies did the Thebans have when they invaded the Pelo- 
ponnesus? 2. Was Sparta abandoned by her allies? 3. Was an in- 
vasion of Sparta a novel thing? 4. What proved the extreme fear of 
the Spartans? 5. Describe the course of the invasion and the damage 
done. 6. Why did the Thebans not take the city of Sparta? 

D. Epaminondas attacks Sparta — Battle of Mantinea 

Xenophon, Hellenica, II, pp. 227-233 

I. Epaminondas advanced w^ith rapid strides, but on reaching 
Nemea he slackened speed, hoping to catch the Athenians as they 
passed, and reflecting on the magnitude of such an achievement, 
whether in stimulating the courage of his own allies, or in plunging 
his foes into despondency; since, to state the matter concisely, 
any blow to Athens would be a gain to Thebes. But during his 
pause at Nemea those who shared the opposite policy had time to 
converge on Mantinea. Presently the news reached Epaminon- 
das that the Athenians had abandoned the idea of marching by 
land, and were preparing to bring their supports to Arcadia by 
sea through Lacedemon. This being so, he abandoned his base 
of Nemea and pushed on to Tegea. 

That the strategy of the Theban general was fortunate I will not 
pretend to assert, but in the particular combination of prudence 
and daring which stamps these exploits, I look upon him as con- 
summate. In the first place, I cannot but admire the sagacity 
which led him to form his camp within the walls of Tegea, where he 
was in greater security than he would have been if intrenched out- 
side, and where his future movements w^re more completely con- 
cealed from the enemy. Again, the means to collect material and 
furnish himself with other necessaries w^ere readier to his hand 
inside the city ; w^hile, thirdly, he was able to keep an eye on the 
movements of his opponents marching outside, and to watch their 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 279 

successful dispositions as well as their mistakes. More than this : 
in spite of his sense of superiority to his antagonists, over and over 
again, when he saw them gaining some advantage in position, he 
refused to be drawn out to attack them. It was only when he 
saw plainly that no city was going to give him its adhesion, and 
that time was slipping by, that he made up his mind that a blow 
must be struck, failing which, he had nothing to expect save a vast 
ingloriousness, in place of his former fame. He had ascertained 
that his antagonists held a strong position round Mantinea, and 
that they had sent to fetch Agesilaus and the whole Lacedemonian 
army. He was further aware that Agesilaus had commenced his 
advance and was already at Pellene. Accordingly he passed the 
word of command to his troops to take their evening meal, put 
himself at their head, and advanced straight upon Sparta. Had 
it not been for the arrival (by some providential chance) of a Cre- 
tan, who brought the news to Agesilaus of the enemy's advance, he 
would have captured the city of Sparta like a nest of young birds 
absolutely bereft of its natural defenders. As it was, Agesilaus, 
being forewarned, had time to return to the city before the The- 
bans came, and here the Spartans made distribution of their scanty 
force and maintained watch and ward, albeit few enough in num- 
bers, since the whole of their cavalry were away in Arcadia, and so 
was their foreign brigade, and so were three out of their twelve 
regiments. 

Arrived within the city of Sparta', Epaminondas abstained from 
gaining an entry at a point where his troops would have to fight 
on level ground and under attack from the houses above; where 
also their large numbers would give them no superiority over the 
small numbers of the foemen. But, singling out a position which 
he conceived would give him the advantage, he occupied it and 
began his advance against the city upon a downward instead of an 
upward inchne. 

With regard to what subsequently took place, two possible 



28o SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

explanations suggest themselves: either it was miraculous, or it 
may be maintained that there is no resisting the fury of desperation. 
Archidamus, advancing at the head of but a hundred men, and 
crossing the one thing which might have been expected to form an 
obstacle to the enemy, began marching uphill against his an- 
tagonists. At this crisis these fire-breathing warriors, these victo- 
rious heroes of Leuctra, with their superiority at every point, 
aided, moreover, by the advantage of their position, did not 
withstand the attack of Archidamus and those with him, but 
swerved in flight. 

The vanguard of Epaminondas' troops was cut down; when, 
however, flushed with the glory of their victory, the citizens 
followed up their pursitit beyond the right point, they in turn were 
cut down, — so plainly was the demarking line of victory drawn 
by the finger of God. So then Archidamus set up a trophy to note 
the limit of his success, and gave back those who had there fallen 
of the enemy under a truce. Epaminondas, on his side, reflect- 
ing that the Arcadians must already be hastening to the rehef of 
Lacedemon, and being unwilling to engage them in conjunction 
with the whole of the Lacedemonian force, especially now that 
the star of Sparta's fortune shone, whilst theirs had suffered some 
eclipse, turned and marched back the way he came with all speed 
possible into Tegea. There he, gave his heavy infantry pause and 
refreshment, but his cavalry he sent on to Mantinea; he begged 
them to ^'have courage and hold on,'' instructing them that in all 
likelihood they would find the flocks and herds of the Mantineans 
and the entire population itself outside their walls, especially as 
it was the moment for carrying the corn. So they set off. 

The Athenian cavalry, starting from Eleusis, had made their 
evening meal at the Isthmus, and passing through Cleonae, as 
chance befell, had arrived at Mantinea and had encamped within 
the walls in the houses. As soon as the enemy were seen galloping 
on with evidently hostile intent, the Mantineans fell to praying the 




Fig. i8. Posidippus 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 281 

Athenian knights to lend them, all the succor they could, and they 
showed them all their cattle outside, and all their laborers, and 
among them were many children and graybeards who were free- 
born citizens. The Athenians were touched by this appeal, and, 
though they had not yet broken fast, neither the men themselves 
nor their horses went out eagerly to the rescue. And here we 
must needs pause to admire the valor of these men also. The 
enemy whom they had to cope with far outnumbered them, as was 
plain to see, and the former misadventure of the cavalry in Corinth 
was not forgotten. But none of these things entered into their 
calculations now — nor yet the fact that they were on the point of 
engaging Thebans and Thessalians, the finest cavalry in the world 
by all repute. The only thing they thought of was the shame and 
the dishonor, if, being there, they did not lend a helping hand to 
their allies. In this mood, so soon as they caught sight of the 
enemy, they fell with a crash upon him in passionate longing to 
recover the old ancestral glory. Nor did they fight in vain — the 
blows they struck enabled the Mantineans to recover all their 
property outside, but among those who dealt them died some 
brave heroes; some brave heroes also, it is evident, were those 
whom they slew, since on either side the weapons wielded were 
not so short but that they could lunge at one another with effect. 
The dead bodies of their own men they refused to abandon ; and 
there were some of the enemy's slain whom they restored to him 
under a flag of truce. 

The thoughts now working in the mind of Epaminondas were 
such as these : that within a few days he would be forced to retire, 
as the period of the campaign was drawing to a close ; if it ended 
in his leaving in the lurch those allies whom he came out to assist, 
they would be besieged by their antagonists. What a blow would 
that be to his own fair fame, already somewhat tarnished 1 Had 
he not been defeated in Lacedemon, with a large body of heavy 
infantry, by a handful of men? defeated again at Mantinea, in the 



282 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

cavalry engagement, and himself the main cause finally of a coali- 
tion between five great powers — that is to say, the Lacede- 
monians, the Arcadians, the Achaeans, the Eleians, and the Athe- 
nians? On all grounds it seemed to him impossible to steal past 
without a battle. And the more so as he computed the alternatives 
of victorv or death. If the former were his fortune, it would re- 
solve all his perplexities ; if death, his end would be noble. How 
glorious a thing to die in the endeavor to leave behind him, as his 
last legacy to his fatherland, the empire of Peloponnesus ! That 
such thoughts should pass through his brain strikes me as by no 
means wonderful, since these are thoughts distinctive of all men 
of high ambition. Far more wonderful to my mind was the pitch 
of perfection to which he had brought his army. There was no 
labor w^hich his troops would shrink from, either by night or by 
day; there was no danger they would flinch from; and, with the 
scantiest provisions, their discipline never failed them. 

And so, w^hen he gave his last orders to them to prepare for 
impending battle, they obeyed with alacrity. He gave the word ; 
the cavalry fell to whitening their helmets, the heavy infantry of 
the Arcadians began inscribing clubs as the crest on their shields, 
as though they were Thebans, and all were engaged in sharpen- 
ing their lances and swords and polishing their heavy shields. 
When the preparations were complete and he had led them out, 
his next movement is worthy of attention. First, as was natural, 
he paid heed to their formation, and in so doing seemed to give 
clear evidence that he intended battle ; but no sooner was the army 
drawn up in the formation which he preferred, than he advanced, 
not by the shortest route to meet the enemy, but towards the west- 
w^ard-lying mountains which face Tegea, and by this move- 
ment created in the enemy an expectation that he would not do 
battle on that day. In keeping with this expectation, as soon as 
he arrived at the mountain-region, he extended his phalanx in 
long line and piled arms under the high cliffs ; and to all appear- 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 283 

ance he was there encamping. The effect of this manoeuvre on 
the enemy in general was to relax the prepared bent of their souls 
for battle, and to weaken their tactical arrangements. Presently, 
however, wheeling his regiments (which were marching in column) 
to the front, w^ith the effect of strengthening the beak-like attack 
which he proposed to lead himself, at the same instant he gave 
the order, ''Shoulder arms, forw^ard,'' and led the way, the troops 
follow^ing. 

When the enemy saw^ them so unexpectedly approaching, not 
one of thern was able to maintain tranquilHty; some began run- 
ning to their divisions, some fell into line, some might be seen 
bitting and bridling their horses, some donning their cuirasses, 
and one and all were like men about to receive rather than to in- 
flict a blow. He, the w^hile, with steady impetus pushed forward 
his armament, like a ship-of-war prow^ forw^ard. Wherever he 
brought his solid wedge to bear, he meant to cleave through the 
opposing mass, and crumble his adversary's host to pieces. With 
this design, he prepared to throw the brunt of the fighting on the 
strongest half of his army, w^hile he kept the w^eaker portion of it 
in the background, knowing certainly that if worsted it would 
only cause discouragement to his own division and add force to 
the foe. The cavalry on the side of his opponents were disposed 
like an ordinary phalanx of heavy infantry, regular in depth 
and unsupported by foot-soldiers interspersed among the horses. 
Epaminondas again differed in strengthening the attacking point 
of his cavalry, besides which he interspersed footmen between 
their lines in the belief that, when he had once cut through the 
cavalry, he would have wrested victory from the antagonist along 
his whole line ; so hard is it to find troops who wall care to keep their 
ground when once they see any of their own side flying. Lastly, 
to prevent any attempt on the part of the Athenians, w^ho were on 
the enemy's left w^ing, to bring up their reliefs in support of the 
portion next them, he posted bodies of cavalry and heavy infantry 



284 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

on certain hillocks in front of them, intending to create in their 
minds an apprehension that, in case they offered such assistance, 
they would be attacked on their own rear by these detachments. 
Such was the plan of encounter which he formed and executed; 
nor was he cheated in his hopes. He had so much the mastery 
at his point of attack that he caused the whole of the enemy's 
troops to take to flight. 

But after he himself had fallen, the rest of the Thebans wxre 
not able any longer to turn their victory rightly to account. Though 
the main battle line of their opponents had given way, not a 
single man afterwards did the victorious hoplites slay, not an inch 
forward did they advance from the ground on which the coUision 
took place. Though the cavalry had fled before them, there was 
no pursuit; not a man, horseman, or hopHte did the conquering 
cavalry cut down; but, like men who have suffered a defeat, as 
if panic-stricken they slipped back through the ranks of the fleeing 
foemen. Only the footmen fighting amongst the cavalry and 
the light infantry, who had together shared in the victory of the 
cavalry, found their way round to the left w^ing as masters of the 
field, but it cost them dear; here they encountered the Athenians 
and most of them were cut down. 

The effective result of these achievements was the very opposite 
of that which the world at large anticipated. Here, where well- 
nigh the whole of Hellas was met together in one field, and the com- 
batants stood rank against rank confronted, there was no one who 
doubted that, in the event of battle, the conquerors would this day 
rule ; and that those who lost would be their subjects. But God 
so ordered it that both belligerents alike set up trophies as claim- 
ing victory and neither interfered with the other in the act. Both 
parties alike gave back their eneniy's dead under a truce, and in 
right of victory; both alike, in symbol of defeat, under a truce 
took back their dead. And though both claimed to have won the 
day, neither could show that he had thereby gained any accession 



THE THEBAN SUPREMACY 



285 



of territory, or state, or empire, or was better situated than before 
the battle. Uncertainty and confusion, indeed, had gained ground, 
being tenfold greater throughout the length and breadth of Hellas 
after the battle than before. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What had made Athens an enemy of Thebes? 2. What marks 
of good generalship did Epaminondas show at Tegea and Sparta? 
3. What was the outcome of the attack on Sparta? 4. To what was 
this result due ? 5. What led to the cavalry battle between the Thebans 
and Athenians at Mantinea? 6. How did the Athenians conduct 
themselves? 7. What portions of the Greek world were pitted against 
one another at Mantinea? 8. How had the position of Thebes 
changed since the battle of Leuctra? 9. Did the Theban army really 
deserve the reputation it had won ? 10. Describe the tactics of Epami- 
nondas at the battle of Mantinea. 11. How does this battle compare 
with the battles described in the .Iliad? 12. What was the result of 
the battle? 13. What efiFect did the death of Epaminondas have upon 
the outcome? 14. Why should it have been so great? 




Fig. 19. A Decree of the Council 



XI. MACEDONIA CONQUERS THE GREEK STATES 

Demosthenes, Third Olynlhiac, 57-59 

I. I have not spoken for the idle purpose of giving offence : I am 
not so fooHsh or perverse as to provoke your displeasure without 
intending your good : but I think an upright citizen should prefer 
the advancement of the commonweal to the gratification of his 
audience. And I hear, as perhaps you do, that the speakers in 
our ancestors' time, whom all that address praise, but not exactly 
imitate, were poHticians after this form and fashion; Aristides, 
Nicias, my namesake, Pericles. But since these orators have ap- 
peared, who ask, ''What is your pleasure? what shall I move? 
how can I oblige you?^' the public welfare is complimented away 
for a moment's popularity, and these are the results : the orators 
thrive, you are disgraced. Mark, O Athenians, what a summary 
contrast may be drawn between the doings in our olden time and 
in yours. It is a tale brief and familiar to all ; for the examples by 
which you may still be happy are found not abroad, men of Athens, 
but at home. Our forefathers, whom the speakers humored not 
nor caressed, as these men caress you, for five-and-forty years took 
the leadership of the Greeks by general consent, and brought 
above ten thousand talents into the citadel; and the king of this 
country was submissiv^e to them, as a barbarian should be to 
Greeks ; and many glorious trophies they erected for victories won 
by their own fighting on land and sea, and they are the sole people 
in the world who have bequeathed a renown superior to envy. 
Such were their merits in the affairs of Greece: see what they 
were at home, both as citizens and as men. Their public works 
are edifices and ornaments of such beauty and grandeur in temples 

286 



MACEDONIA CONQUERS THE GREEK STATES 287 

and consecrated furniture, that posterity have no power to surpass 
them. In private they were so modest and attached to the prin- 
ciple of our constitution, that whoever knows the style of house 
w^hich Aristides had, or Miltiades, and the illustrious of that day, 
perceives it to be no grander than those of the neighbors. Their 
politics were not for money-making; each felt it his duty to exalt 
the commonwealth. By a conduct honorable tow^ard the Greeks, 
pious to the gods, brotherUke among themselves, they justly 
attained a high prosperity. 

So fared matters w4th them under the statesmen I have men- 
tioned. How fare they with you under the worthies of our time? 
Is there any likeness or resemblance? I pass over other topics, 
on which I could expatiate ; but observe : in this utter absence of 
competitors (Lacedemonians depressed, Thebans employed, none 
of the rest capable of disputing the supremacy with us) when we 
might hold our own securely and arbitrate the claims of others, 
we have been deprived of our rightful territory, and spent above 
fifteen hundred talents to no purpose ; the allies, whom we gained 
in war, these persons have lost in peace, and we have trained up 
against ourselves an enemy thus formidable. Or let any one come 
forward and tell me, by whose contrivance but ours Philip has 
grow^n strong. ''Well, sir, this looks bad, but things at home are 
better." What proof can be adduced? The parapets that are 
whitewashed ? The roads that are repaired ? fountains, and fool- 
eries? Look at the men of whose statesmanship these are the 
fruits. They have risen from beggary to opulence, or from ob- 
scurity to honor ; some have made their private houses more splen- 
did than the pubHc buildings ; and in proportion as the state has 
declined, their fortunes have been exalted. 

What has produced these results ? How is it that all went pros- 
perously then, and now goes wrong ? Because anciently the people, 
having the courage to be soldiers, controlled the statesmen, and 
disposed of all emoluments ; any of the rest was happy to receive 



288 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

from the people his share of honor, office, or advantage. Now, 
contrariwise, the statesmen dispose of emoluments; through 
them everything is done; you the people, enervated, stripped of 
treasure and allies, are become as underhngs and hangers-on, 
happy if these persons dole you out show-money or send you 
paltry beeves; and, the unmanliest part of all, you are grateful 
for receiving your own. They, cooping you in the city, lead you 
to your pleasures and make you tame and submissive to their 
hands. It is impossible I say, to have a high and noble spirit, 
while you are engaged in petty and mean employments : whatever 
be the pursuits of men, their characters must be similar. By 
Ceres, I should not wonder, if I, for mentioning these things, 
suffered more from your resentment than the men who have 
brought them to pass. For even liberty of speech you allow not 
on all subjects ; I marvel indeed you have allowed it here. 

Demosthenes, Second Philippic^ 81-88 

2. In all the speeches, men of Athens, about Philip's measures 
and infringements of the peace, I observe that statements made on 
our behalf are thought just and generous, and all who accuse Philip 
are heard with approbation ; yet nothing (I may say) that is proper, 
or for the sake of which the speeches are worth hearing, is done. 
To this point are the affairs of Athens brought, that the more fully 
and clearly one convicts Philip of violating the peace with you and 
plotting against the whole of Greece, the more difficult it becomes 
to advise you how to act. The cause lies in all of us, Athenians, 
that, when we ought to oppose an ambitious power by deeds and 
actions, not by words, we men of the hustings shrink from our 
duty of moving and advising, for fear of your displeasure, and only 
declaim on the heinousness and atrocity of Philip's conduct ; you 
of the assembly, though better instructed than Philip to argue 
justly, or comprehend the argument of another, to check him in the 
execution of his designs are totally unprepared. The result is 



MACEDONIA CONQUERS THE GREEK STATES 289 

inevitable, I imagine, and perhaps just. You each succeed better 
in what you are busy and earnest about ; PhiHp in actions, you in 
words. If you are still satisfied with using the better arguments, 
it is an easy matter, and there is no trouble : but if we are to take 
measures for the correction of these evils, to prevent their insensible 
progress and the rising up of a mighty pow^er, against which we 
could have no defence, then our course of deliberation is not the 
same as formerly ; the orators, and you that hear them, must prefer 
good and salutary counsels to those which are easy and agreeable. 

First, men of Athens, if any one regards without uneasiness the 
might and dominion of Philip and imagines that it threatens no 
danger to the state, or that all his preparations are not against you, 
I marvel, and would entreat you every one to hear briefly from me 
the reasons why I am led to form a contrary expectation and where- 
fore I deem Philip an enemy ; that, if I appear to have the clearer 
foresight, you may hearken to me ; if they, who have such confi- 
dence and trust in Philip, you may give your adherence to them. 

Thus then I reason, Athenians. What did Philip first make 
himself master of after the peace ? Thermopylae and the Phocian 
state. Well, and how used he his power ? He chose to act for the 
benefit of Thebes, not of Athens. Why so ? Because, I conceive, 
measuring his calculations by ambition, by his desire of universal 
empire, without regard to peace, quiet, or justice, he saw plainly, 
that to a people of our character and principles nothing could he 
offer or give, that w^ould induce you for self-interest to sacrifice 
any of the Greeks to him. He sees that you, having respect for 
justice, dreading the infamy of the thing, and exercising proper 
forethought, w^ould oppose him in any such attempt as much as if 
you were at war : but the Thebans he expected (and events prove 
him right) would, in return for the services done them, allow him in 
everything else to have his way and, so far from thwarting or im- 
peding him, w^ould fight on his side if he required it. From the 
same persuasion he befriended lately the Messenians and Argives, 



290 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

which is the highest panegyric upon you Athenians; for you are 
adjudged by these proceedings to be the only people incapable 
of betraying for lucre the national rights of Greece, or bartering 
your attachment to her for any obligation or benefit. And this 
opinion of you, that (so different) of the Argives and Thebans, he 
has naturally formed, not only from a view of present times, but 
by reflection on the past. For assuredly he finds and hears that 
your ancestors, w^ho might have governed the rest of Greece on 
terms of submitting to Persia, not only spurned the proposal, when 
Alexander, this man's ancestor, came as herald to negotiate, but 
preferred to abandon their country and endure any suffering, and 
thereafter achieved such exploits as all the world loves to men- 
tion, though none could ever speak them worthily, and therefore 
I must be silent; for their deeds are too mighty to be uttered in 
words. But the forefathers of the Argives and Thebans, they 
either joined the barbarian's army, or did not oppose it ; and there- 
fore he knows that both will selfishly embrace their advantage, 
without considering the common interest of the Greeks. He 
thought, then, if he chose your friendship, it must be on just prin- 
ciples; if he attached himself to them, he should find auxiliaries 
of his ambition. This is the reason of his preferring them to you 
both then and now. For certainly he does not see them with a 
larger navy than you, nor has he acquired an inland empire and 
renounced that of the sea and the ports, nor does he forget the 
professions and promises on which he obtained the peace. 

Well it may be said, he knew all this, yet he so acted, not from 
ambition or the motives which I charge, but because the demands 
of the Thebans were more equitable than yours. Of all pleas, this 
now is the least open to him. He that bids the Lacedemonians 
resign Messene, how can he pretend, when he delivered Orcho- 
menos and Coronea to the Thebans, to have acted on a conviction 
of justice? 

But, forsooth, he was compelled, — this plea remains, — he 



MACEDONIA CONQUERS THE GREEK STATES 291 

made concessions against his will, being surrounded by Thes- 
salian horse and Theban infantry. Excellent ! So of his inten- 
tions they talk ; he will mistrust the Thebans ; and some carry news 
about, that he will fortify Elatea. All this he intends and will 
intend, I daresay; but to attack the Lacedemonians on behalf 
of Messene and Argos he does not intend ; he actually sends mer- 
cenaries and money into the country, and is expected himself with 
a great force. The Lacedemonians, who are enemies of Thebes, 
he overthrows ; the Phocians, whom he himself before destroyed, 
will he now preserve? 

And who can believe this? I cannot think that Philip, either 
if he was forced into his former measures, or if he were now giving 
up the Thebans, would pertinaciously oppose their enemies; his 
present conduct rather shows that he adopted those measures by 
choice. All things prove to a correct observer, that his whole 
plan of action is against our state. And this has now become to 
him a sort of necessity. Consider. He desires empire : he con- 
ceives you to be his only opponents. He has been for some time 
wronging you, as his own conscience best informs him, since, by 
retaining what belongs to you, he secures the rest of his dominion : 
had he given up Amphipolis and Potida^a, he deemed himself 
unsafe at home. He knows, therefore, both that he is plotting 
against you, and that you are aware of it; and, supposing you to 
have intelligence, he thinks you must hate him; he is alarmed, 
expecting some disaster, if you get the chance, unless he hastes to 
prevent you. Therefore he is aw^ake, and on the watch against 
us ; he courts certain people, Thebans, and people in Peloponnesus 
of the like views, w^ho from cupidity, he thinks, will be satisfied 
with the present, and from dulness of understanding will foresee 
none of the consequences. And yet men of even moderate sense 
might notice striking facts, which I had occasion to quote to the 
Messenians and Argives, and perhaps it is better they should be 
repeated to you. 



292 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Ye men of Messene, said I, how do ye think the Olynthians 
would have brooked to hear anything against PhiKp at those times, 
when he surrendered to them Anthemus, which all former kings of 
Macedonia claimed, w^hen he cast out the Athenian colonists and 
gave them Potida?a, taking on himself your enmity, and giving them 
the land to enjoy ? Think ye they expected such treatment as they 
got, or would have believed it if they had been told ? Nevertheless, 
said I, they, after enjoying for a short time the land of others, are 
for a long time deprived by him of their own, shamefully expelled, 
not only vanquished, but betrayed by one another and sold. In 
truth, these too close connections with despots *are not safe for 
repubhcs. The Thessalians, again, think ye, said I, when he 
ejected their tyrants, and gave back Nicaea and Magnesia, they 
expected to have the decemvirate which is now estabHshed ? or that 
he who restored the meeting at Pylae would take aw^av their reve- 
nues? Surely not. And yet these things have occurred, as all 
mankind may know. You behold Philip, I said, a dispenser of 
gifts and promises : pray, if you are wise, that you may never know 
him for a cheat and a deceiver. By Jupiter, I said, there are mani- 
fold contrivances for the guarding and defending of cities, as ram- 
parts, walls, trenches, and the like : these are all made w^ith hands, 
and require expense; but there is one common safeguard in the 
nature of prudent men, which is a good security for all, but 
especially for democracies against despots. What do I mean? 
Mistrust. Keep this, hold to this; preserve this only, and you 
can never be injured. What do ye desire? Freedom. Then see 
ye not that Phihp's very titles are at variance therewith? Every 
king and despot is a foe to freedom, an antagonist to laws. Will 
ye not beware, I said, lest, seeking deliverance from war, you 
find a master? 

They heard me with a tumult of approbation ; and many other 
speeches they heard from the ambassadors, both in my presence 
and afterwards; yet none the more, as it appears, will they keep 



MACEDONIA CONQUERS THE GREEK STATES 293 

aloof from Philip's friendship and promises. And no wonder, that 
Messenians and certain Peloponnesians should act contrary to 
what their reason approves; but you, who understand yourselves, 
and by us orators are told, how you are plotted against, how you 
are enclosed ! You, I fear, to escape present exertion, will come to 
ruin ere you are aware. So doth the moment's ease and indul- 
gence prevail over distant advantage. 

As to your measures, you will in prudence, I presume, consult 
hereafter by yourselves. I will furnish you with such an answer 

as it becomes the assembly to decide upon, 
i 

{Here the proposed answer was read.) 

It were just, men of Athens, to call the persons w^ho brought 
those promises, on the faith whereof you concluded peace. For 
I should never have submitted to go as ambassador, and you would 
certainly not have discontinued the war, had you supposed that 
Philip, on obtaining peace, would act thus; but the statements 
then made were very different. Ay, and others you should call. 
Whom ? The men who declared — after the peace, when I had 
returned from my second mission, that for the oaths, when, per- 
ceiving your delusion, I gave warning, and protested, and opposed 
the abandonment of Thermopylae and the Phocians — that I, 
being a water-drinker was naturally a churlish and morose fellow, 
that PhiHp, if he passed the straits, would do just as you desired, 
fortify Thespiae and Plataea, humble the Thebans, cut through the 
Chersonese at his own expense, and give you Oropus and Euboea 
in exchange for Amphipolis. All these declarations on the hust- 
ings I am sure you remember, though you are not famous for 
remembering injuries. And the most disgraceful thing of all, you 
voted in your confidence, that this same peace should descend to 
your posterity; so completely were you misled. Why do I men- 
tion this now, and desire these men to be called ? By the gods, I 
will tell you the truth frankly and without reserve. Not that I 



294 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

may fall a-wrangling, to provoke recrimination before you, and 
afford my old adversaries a fresh pretext for getting more from 
Philip, nor for the purpose of idle garrulity. But I imagine that 
what Philip is doing will grieve you hereafter more than it does 
now. I see the thing progressing, and would that my surmises 
were false ; but I doubt it is too near already. So when you are 
able no longer to disregard events, when, instead of hearing from 
me or others that these measures are against Athens, you all see it 
yourselves, and knov/ it for certain, I expect you w^ill be wrathful 
and exasperated. I fear then as your ambassadors have concealed 
the purpose for which they know they were corrupted, those who 
endeavor to repair w^hat the others have lost may chance to encoun- 
ter your resentment; for I see it is a practice with many to vent 
their anger, not upon the guilty, but on persons most in their 
power. While, therefore, the mischief is only coming and pre- 
paring, while we hear one another speak, I wish every man, though 
he knows it well, to be reminded, who it was persuaded you to 
abandon Phocis and Thermopylae, by the command of which PhiHp 
commands the road to Attica and Peloponnesus, and has brought it 
to this, that your deliberation must be, not about claims and in- 
terests abroad, but concerning the defence of your home and a war 
in Attica, which will grieve every citizen when it comes, and in- 
deed it has commenced from that day. Had you not been then 
deceived, there would be nothing to distress the state. Philip 
would certainly never have prevailed at sea and come to Attica 
with a fleet, nor w^ould he have marched with a land force by Pho- 
cis and Thermopylae; he must either have acted honorably, ob- 
serving the peace and keeping quiet, or been immediately in a 
war similar to that which made him desire the peace. Enough 
has been said to awaken recollection. Grant, O ye gods, it 
be not all fully confirmed ! I would have no man punished, 
though death he may deserve, to the damage and danger of the 
country. 



MACEDONIA CONQUERS THE GREEK STATES 295 

QUESTIONS ' 

I. In what ways did Demosthenes declare the Athenians of his day 
inferior to their ancestors' of the time of the Persian wars? 2. Should 
we accept these statements of Demosthenes as true without further 
proof ? 3. What was the attitude of Demosthenes towards his audience ? 
4. Did all Athenians take the same view as Demosthenes of the con- 
dition of Athens? 5. How does Demosthenes treat their replies to 
him ? 6. What criticism on Athenian democracy do you find in the 
Second Philippic? 7. To what was the success of Philip, in his 
struggles with the Greeks, clearly due ? 8. What methods did he use in 
dealing with the Greeks? 9. What did Demosthenes believe Philip 
was aiming at? 10. Why did not all the Greek states unite against 
Philip? II. What was the difiference between the position of Demos- 
thenes in Athens and of Philip in Macedonia? 12. W^hat is the chief 
value, historically, of these speeches of Demosthenes? 13. Are we 
sure that we have the exact language that Demosthenes used? 14. In 
this last respect, would there be any difference between the Second 
Philippic and the Funeral Oration oj Pericles? Read these speeches 
aloud. 



Fig. 20. A Musical Contest 



XII. THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 
A. The Sources of Arrian's Anabasis 

Arrian, Anabasis, Preface 

I. I have admitted into my narrative as strictly authentic all the 
statements relating to Alexander and Philip which Ptolemy, son 
of Lagus, and Aristobulus, son of Aristobulus, agree in making; 
and from those statements which differ I have selected that which 
appears to me the more credible and at the same time the more 
deserving of record. Different authors have given different ac- 
counts of Alexander's actions; and there is no one about w^hom 
more have written, or more at variance with each other. But in 
my opinion, the narratives of Ptolemy and Aristobulus are more 
worthy of credit than are the rest ; Aristobulus, because he served 
under King Alexander in his expedition, and Ptolemy, not only 
because he accompanied Alexander in his expedition, but also 
because, being a king himself, the falsification of facts would have 
been more disgraceful to him than to any other man. Moreover, 
they are both more worthy of credit, because they compiled their 
histories after Alexander's death, when neither compulsion was 
used, nor reward offered them to write anything different from 
what really occurred. Some statements also made by other 
writers I have incorporated in my narrative, because they seem to 
me worthy of mention and not altogether improbable ; but I have 
given them merely as reports of Alexander's proceedings. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What were the chief sources of information employed by Arrian? 
2. Why do we speak of the work of Arrian as a source ? 3. Is it a source 
in the same sense as the Iliad and Odyssey, the poems of Tyrtaeus and 

296 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 297 

Solon, the account of the plague at Athens by Thucydides, and the 
speeches of Demosthenes? 4. What proof of critical judgment, such 
as a trained modern 'historian would display, do you find in Arrian's 
account of his methods of work? 5. Is it always safe to accept as true 
facts upon which two witnesses agree? 6. When his witnesses dis- 
agreed, was Arrian's method of deciding what the truth was a sound one ? 
7. Do things that appear credible to one person ever appear incredible 
to another? 8. Would all persons agree as to the things that are 'Hhe 
more deserving of record"? 9. Because a thing appears ''credible" 
or ''deserving of record," does it follow that it is a historical fact? 
(Story of William Tell both credible and worthy of mention, but not 
true.) 10. What do you think of Arrian's reasons for considering the 
accounts by Ptolemy and Aristobulus "more worthy of credit than the 
rest"? 

B. Evolutions of the Phalanx 

Arrian, Anabasis, I, 6 

I. Then Alexander drev^ up his army in such a way that the 
depth of the phalanx was 120 men ; and stationing 200 cavalry on 
each wing, he ordered them to preserve silence, receiving the word 
of command quickly. Accordingly he gave the signal to the heavy- 
armed infantry in the first place to hold their spears erect, and 
then to couch them at the concerted •signal ; at one time to incline 
their spears to the right closely locked together, and at another 
time tow^ards the left. He then set the phalanx itself into quick 
motion forward, and marched it towards the wings, now to the 
right and then to the left. After thus arranging and rearranging 
his lines many times very rapidly, he at last formed his phalanx 
into a sort of wedge, and led it tow^ards the left against the enemy, 
w^ho had long been in a state of amazement at seeing both the 
order and rapidity of his evolutions. Consequently, they did not 
sustain Alexander's attack, but quitted the first ridges of the moun- 
tain. Upon this, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to raise the 
battle cry and make clatter with their spears upon their shields, 



298 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

and the Taulantians, being still more alarmed at the noise, led their 
army back to the city with all speed. 

QUESTIONS 

I. To what was the effectiveness of the Macedonian phalanx due? 
2. On what kind of ground could such a body manoeuvre to best ad- 
vantage? 3. How many men were there in the front rank of the 
phalanx? 4. What was the arrangement of the cavalry and why? 
5. Does the modern army have any movements similar to those de- 
scribed in this passage? 6. Is the lance used to-day? 7. How do 
the tactics of the phalanx compare in difficulty with those of the Spar- 
tan and Theban forces? 

C. Battle of Issus 

Arrian, Anabasis, II, 10, 11 

I. Having thus marshalled his men, he (Alexander) caused them 
to rest for some time, and then led them forward, as he had resolved 
that their advance should be very slow. For Darius was no longer 
leading the foreigners against him as he had arranged them at first, 
but he remained in his position upon the bank of the river, which 
w^as in many parts steep and precipitous; and in certain places 
where it seemed more easy to ascend, he extended a stockade along 
it. By this it was at once evident to Alexander's men that Darius 
had become cowed in spirit. But when the armies were at length 
close to each other, Alexander rode about in every direction to 
exhort his troops to show their valor, mentioning with befitting 
epithets the names, not only of the generals, but also those of the 
captains of cavalry and infantry and of the Grecian mercenaries 
as many as were distinguished either by reputation or any deed 
of valor. From all sides arose a shout not to delay, but to attack 
the enemy. At first he still led them on in close array with meas- 
ured step, although he had the forces of Darius already in distant 
view, lest by a too hasty march any part of the phalanx should 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 299 

fluctuate from the lines and get separated from the rest. But 
when they came within range of darts, Alexander himself and those 
around him, being posted on the right wing, dashed first into the 
river with a run, in order to alarm the Persians by the rapidity of 
their onset, and by coming sooner to close conflict to avoid being 
much injured by the archers. And it turned out just as Alexander 
had conjectured ; for as soon as the battle became a hand-to-hand 
one, the part of the Persian army stationed on the left wing were 
put to route; and here xAlexander and his men won a briUiant 
victory. But the Grecian mercenaries serving under Darius 
attacked the Macedonians at the point where they saw their 
phalanx especially disordered. For the Macedonian phalanx 
had been broken and had disjoined towards the right wing ; be- 
cause Alexander had dashed into the river with eagerness, and 
engaging in a hand-to-hand conflict, was already driving back the 
Persians posted there; but the Macedonians in the centre had 
not prosecuted their task with equal eagerness, and finding many 
parts of the bank steep and precipitous, they were unable to pre- 
serve the front of the phalanx in the same fine. Here, then, the 
struggle was desperate ; the Grecian rnercenaries of Darius fight- 
ing in order to push the Macedonians back into the river, and regain 
the victory for their allies who were already flying; the Mace- 
donians strugghng in order not to fall short of Alexander's success, 
which was already manifest, and not to tarnish the glory of the 
phalanx, which up to that time had been commonally proclaimed 
invincible. Moreover, the feeling of rivalry which existed between 
the Grecian and Macedonian races inspired each side in the con- 
flict. Here fell Ptolemy, son of Seleucus, after proving himself a 
valiant man, besides about one hundred and twenty Macedonians 
of no mean repute. 

Hereupon the regiments on the right wing, perceiving that the 
Persians opposed to them had already been put to route, wheeled 
around toward the Grecian mercenaries of Darius and their own 



300 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

hard-pressed detachment. Having driven the Greeks away from 
the river, 'they extended their phalanx beyond the Persian army 
on the side which had been broken ; and attacking the Greeks on 
the flank were already beginning to cut them up. However, the 
Persian cavalry, which had been posted opposite the ThessaHans, 
did not remain on the other side of the river during the struggle, 
but came through the water and made a vigorous attack upon the 
ThessaHan squadrons. In this place a fierce cavalry battle ensued ; 
for the Persians did not give way until they perceived that Darius 
had fled and the Grecian mercenaries had been cut up by the pha- 
lanx and severed from them. Then, at last, there ensued a de- 
cided flight and on all sides. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Did Darius show good judgment in selecting a position for his 
army at the battle of Issus? 2. What defects in the phalanx appear in 
the description of the battle? 3. Would that be true of the Spartan 
formation? 4. Did the Persians fight well at Issus? 5. To what was 
the loss of the battle evidently due? 6. Were all the Greeks on one 
side in this battle? 7. How do you explain this? 8. Was the victory 
an easy one for the Macedonians? 9. Would a modern general be 
justified in acting as Alexander did? 

D. Siege of Tyre 

Arrian, Anabasis, II, 20-24 

I. About this time Gerostratus, King of Aradus, and Enylus, 
King of Byblus, ascertaining that their cities were in the possession 
of Alexander, deserted Autophradates and the fleet under his com- 
mand, and came to Alexander with their naval force, accompanied 
by the Sidonian triremes; so that about eighty Phoenician ships 
joined him. About the same time triremes also came to him from 
Rhodes, both the one called Peripolus, and nine others with it. 
From Soli and Mallus also came three, and from Lycia ten ; from 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 301 

Macedonia also a ship with fifty oars, in which sailed Proteas, son 
of Andronicus. Not long after, too, the kings of Cyprus put into 
Sidon with about one hundred and twenty ships, since they had 
heard of the defeat of Darius at Issus,- and were terrified, because 
the whole of Phoenicia w^as already in the possession of Alexander. 
To all these Alexander granted indemnity for their previous con- 
duct, because they seemed to have joined the Persian fleet rather 
by necessity than by their own choice. While the engines of war 
were being constructed for him, and the ships were being fitted up 
for a naval attack on the city and for the trial of a sea battle, he 
took some squadrons of cavalry, the Agrianians and archers, and 
made an expedition towards Arabia into the range of mountains 
called Anti-Libanus. Having subdued some of the mountaineers 
by force, and drawn others over to him by terms of capitulation, he 
returned to Sidon in ten days. Here he found Cleander, son of 
Polemocrates, just arrived from Peloponnesus, having four thou- 
sand Grecian mercenaries with him. 

When his fleet had been arranged in due order, he embarked 
upon the decks as many of his shield-bearing guards as seemed 
sufficient for his enterprise, unless a sea battle were to be fought 
rather by breaking the enemy^s line than by a close conflict. He 
then started from Sidon and sailed towards Tyre with his ships 
arranged in proper order, himself being on the right wing which 
stretched out seaward ; and with him were the kings of the Cyp- 
rians, and all those of the Phoenicians except Pnytagoras, who 
wdth Craterus w^as commanding the left wing of the whole line. 
The Tyrians had previously resolved to fight a sea battle if 
Alexander should sail against them by sea. But then with surprise 
they beheld the vast multitude of his ships ; for they had not yet 
learnt that Alexander had all the ships of the Cyprians and Phoe- 
nicians. At the same time they were surprised to see that he was 
sailing against them with his fleet arranged in due order; for 
Alexander's fleet a little before it came near the city tarried for a 



302 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

while out in the open sea, with the view^ of provoking the Tyrians 
to come out to a battle ; but afterw^ards, as the enemy did not put 
out to sea against them, though they were thus arranged in line, they 
advanced to the attack with a great dashing of oars. Seeing this, 
the Tyrians decided not to fight a battle at sea, but closely blocked 
up the passage for ships w^ith as many triremes as the mouths of 
their harbor w^ould contain, and guarded it, so that the enemy's 
fleet might not find an anchorage in one of the harbors. 

As the Tyrians did not put out to sea against him, Alexander 
sailed near the city, but resolved not to try to force an entrance 
into the harbor toward Sidon on account of the narrow^ness of its 
mouth; and at the same time because he saw that the entrance had 
been blocked up w-ith many triremes having their prowls turned 
toward him. But the Phoenicians fell upon the three triremes 
moored farthest out at the mouth of the harbor, and attacking 
them prow to prow% succeeded in sinking them. How^ever, the 
men in the ships easily swam off to the land w^hich w^as friendly 
to them. Then, indeed, Alexander moored his ships along the 
shore not far from the mole which had been made, w^here there 
appeared to be shelter from the winds ; and on the following day 
he ordered the Cyprians w^ith their ships and their admiral An- 
dromachus to moor near the city opposite the harbor which faces 
towards Sidon, and the Phoenicians opposite the harbor w^hich 
looks towards Egypt, situated on the other side of the mole, where 
also w^as his own tent. 

He had now collected many engineers both from Cyprus and 
the whole of Phoenicia, and many engines of w^ar had been con- 
structed, some upon the mole, others upon vessels used for trans- 
porting horses, w^hich he brought with him from Sidon, and 
others upon the triremes w^hich w^ere not fast sailers. When all 
the preparations had been completed they brought the engines 
of war both along the mole that had been made and also from the 
ships moored near various parts of the wall and attempted to 




Fig. 21. Entablature and Upper Part of Column 
FROM the Mausoleum 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 303 

breach it. The Tyrians erected wooden towers on their battle- 
ments opposite the mole, from which they might annoy the enemy ; 
and if the engines of war were brought near any other part, they 
defended themselves with missiles and shot at the very ships with 
fire-bearing arrows, so that they deterred the Macedonians from 
approaching the wall. Their walls opposite the mole were about 
one hundred and fifty feet high, with a breadth in proportion, and 
constructed with large stones embedded in gypsum. It was not easy 
for the horse-transports and the triremes of the Macedonians, which 
were conveying the engines of war up to the wall, to approach the 
city, because a great quantity of stones hurled forward into the sea 
prevented their near assault. These stones Alexander determined 
to drag out of the sea; but this was a work accompHshed with 
great difficulty, since it was performed from ships and not from 
the firm earth; especially as the Tyrians, covering their ships 
with screens, brought them alongside the anchors of the triremes, 
and cutting the cables of the anchors underneath, made anchoring 
impossible for the enemy's ships. But Alexander covered many 
thirty-oared vessels with screens in the same w^ay, and placed them 
athwart in front of the anchors, so that the assault of the ships was 
repelled by them. But, notwithstanding this, divers under the sea 
secretly cut their cables. The Macedonians then used chains to 
their anchors instead of cables, and let them down so that the 
divers could do nothing further. Then, fastening slipknots to the 
stones, they dragged them out of the sea from the mole ; and hav- 
ing raised them aloft wdth cranes, they discharged them into deep 
water, where they were no longer likely to do injury by being 
hurled forward. The ships now easily approached the part of 
the wall where it had been made clear of the stones which had 
been hurled forward. The Tyrians, being now reduced to great 
straits on all sides, resolved to make an attack on the Cyprian 
ships, which w^ere moored opposite the harbor turned towards 
Sidon. For a long time they spread sails across the mouth of the 



304 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

harbor, in order that the manning of the triremes might not be 
discernible; and about the middle of the day, when the sailors 
were scattered in quest of necessaries, and when Alexander usually 
retired to his tent from the fleet on the other side of the city, they 
manned three quinqueremes, an equal number of quadriremes, 
and seven triremes with the most expert complement of rowers 
possible, and with the best-armed men adapted for fighting from 
the decks, together with the men most daring in naval contests.' 
At first they row^ed out slowly and quietly in single file, moving 
forward the handles of their oars without any signal from the men 
who give the time to the rowers ; but when they were near enough 
to be seen, then indeed with a loud shout and encouragement to 
each other, and at the same time with impetuous rowing, they 
commenced the attack. 

It happened on that day that Alexander went away to his tent, 
but after a short time returned to his ship, not tarrying according 
to his w^ont. The Tyrians fell all of a sudden upon the ships lying 
at their moorings, finding some entirely empty and others being 
manned with difficulty from those who happened to be present at 
the very time of the shout and attack. At the first onset they at 
once sank the quinquereme of the king Pnytagoras, that of An- 
drocles the Amathusian, and that of Pasicrates the Curian ; and 
they shattered the other ships by pushing them ashore. But when 
Alexander perceived the saihng out of the Tyrian triremes, he 
ordered most of the ships under his command, whenever each was 
manned, to take position at the mouth of the harbor, so that the 
rest of the Tyrian ships might not sail out. He then took the 
quinqueremes which he had and about five of the triremes, which 
were manned by him in haste before the rest were ready, and sailed 
round the city against the Tyrians who had sailed out of the harbor. 
The men on the wall, perceiving the enemy's attack and observing 
that Alexander himself was in the fleet, began to shout to those in 
their own ships, urging them to return ; but as their shouts were 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 305 

not audible, on account of the noise of those who were engaged in 
the action, they exhorted them to retreat by various kinds of sig- 
nals. At last after a long time the Tyrians, perceiving the im- 
pending attack of Alexander's fleet, tacked about and began to 
flee into the harbor ; and a few of their ships succeeded in escap- 
ing, but Alexander's vessels assaulted the greater number, and 
rendered some of them unfit for saiHng ; and a quinquereme and a 
quadrireme were captured at the very mouth of the harbor. But 
the slaughter of the marines was not great; for when they per- 
ceived that the ships were in possession of the enemy, they swam 
off without difficulty into the harbor. As the Tyrians could no 
longer derive any aid from their ships, the Macedonians now 
brought up their military engines to the wall itself. Those which 
were brought near the city along the mole did no damage worth 
mentioning on account of the strength of the wall there. Others 
brought up some of the ships conveying military engines opposite 
the part of the city turned towards Sidon. But when even there 
they met with no success, Alexander passed round to the wall pro- 
jecting towards the south wind and toward Egypt, and tried every- 
where to make a breach. Here first a large piece of the wall was 
thoroughly shaken, and a part of it was even broken and thrown 
down. Then indeed for a short time he tried to make a storm to 
the extent of throwing a drawbridge upon the part of the wall 
where a breach had been made. But the Tyrians without much 
difficulty beat the Macedonians back. 

The third day after this, having waited for a calm sea, after 
encouraging the leaders of the regiments for the action, he led the 
ships containing the mihtary engines up to the city. In the first 
place he shook down a large piece of the w^all ; and when the 
breach appeared to be sufficiently wide, he ordered the vessels con- 
veying the military engines to retire, and brought up two others, 
which carried the bridges, which he intended to throw^ upon the 
breach in the wall. The shield-bearing guards occupied one of 



3o6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

these vessels, which he had put under the command of Admetus; 
and the other was occupied by the regiment of Coenus, called 
the foot companions. Alexander himself, with the shield-bearing 
guards, intended to scale the wall where it might be practicable. 
He ordered some of his triremes to sail against both of the harbors, 
to see if by any means they could force an entrance when the 
Tyrians had turned themselves to oppose him. He also ordered 
those of his triremes which contained the missiles to be hurled 
from engines, or which were carrying archers upon deck, to sail 
right round the wall and to run aground wherever it was practi- 
cable, and to take up position within shooting range, where it was 
impossible to run aground, so that the Tyrians, being shot at from 
all quarters, might become distracted, and not know whither to 
turn in their distress. When Alexander's ships drew close to the 
city and the bridges w^ere thrown from them upon the wall, the 
shield-bearing guards mounted valiantly along these upon the 
wall; for their captain, Admetus, proved himself brave on that 
occasion, and Alexander accompanied them, both as a courageous 
participant in the action itself, and as a witness of brilliant and 
dangerous feats .of valor performed by others. The first part of 
the wall that was captured was where Alexander had posted him- 
self ; the Tyrians being easily beaten back from it, as soon as the 
Macedonians found firm footing, and at the same time a way of 
entrance not abrupt on every side. Admetus was the first to 
mount the wall ; but while cheering on his men to mount, he w^as 
struck with a spear and died on the spot. After him, Alexander 
w^ith the companions got possession of the wall; and when some 
of the towers and the parts of the wall between them were in his 
hands, he advanced through the battlements to the royal palace, 
because the descent into the city that way seemed the easiest. 

To return to the fleet, the Phoenicians, forcing their way into 
the harbor looking towards Egypt, facing which they happened to 
be moored, and bursting the bars asunder, shattered the ships in 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 307 

the harbor, attacking some of them in deep water and driving 
others ashore. The Cyprians also sailed into the other harbor 
looking towards Sidon, which had no bar across it, and made a 
speedy capture of the city on that side. The main body of the 
Tyrians deserted the wall when they saw it in the enemy's pos- 
session; and rallying opposite what was called the sanctuary of 
Agenor, they there turned round to resist the Macedonians. 
Against these Alexander advanced with his shield-bearing guards, 
destroyed the men w^ho fought there, and pursued those who fled. 
Great was the slaughter also made both by those who were now 
occupying the city from the harbor and by the regiment of Coenus, 
which had also entered it. For the Macedonians were now for the 
most part advancing full of rage, being angry both at the length 
of the siege and also because the Tyrians, having captured some 
of their men sailing from Sidon, had conveyed them to the top of 
their wall, so that the deed might be visible from the camp, and 
after slaughtering them, had cast their bodies into the sea. About 
8000 of the Tyrians were killed ; and of the Macedonians, be- 
sides Admetus, w^ho had proved himself a valiant man, being the 
first to scale the wall, twenty of the shield-bearing guards were 
killed in the assault on that occasion. In the whole siege about 
400 Macedonians were slain. Alexander gave an amnesty to all 
those who fled for refuge into the temple of Heracles ; among them 
being most of the Tyrian magistrates, including the king Aze- 
milcus, as well as certain envoys from the Carthaginians, who had 
come to their mother-city to attend the sacrifice in honor of Hera- 
cles, according to an ancient custom. The rest of the prisoners 
were reduced to slavery; all the Tyrians and mercenary troops, 
to the number of about 30,000 who had been captured, 
being sold. Alexander then offered sacrifice to Heracles, and 
conducted a procession in honor of that deity with all his soldiers 
fully armed. The ships also took part in this rehgious procession 
in honor of Heracles. He3 moreover, held a gymnastic contest in 



3o8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

the temple and celebrated a torch race. The military engine, 
also, with which the wall had been battered down, was brought 
into the temple and dedicated as a thank-offering ; and the Tyr- 
ian ship sacred to Heracles, which had been captured in the naval 
attack, was likewise dedicated to the god. An inscription was 
placed on it, either composed by Alexander himself or by some one 
else; but as it is not worthy of recollection, I have not deemed it 
worth while to describe it. Thus, then, was Tyre captured in the 
month Hecatombaion, when Anicetus was archon at Athens. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Why did Alexander march into Phoenicia after the battle of Issus 
instead of following Darius? 2. What was one of the very important 
effects of the battle? 3. What did Alexander mean when he excused 
the maritime states for joining the Persians on the ground of '^neces- 
sity"? 4. By what methods did Alexander attempt to take Tyre? 
5. How did the Tyrians defend their city? 6. What great difference 
between this siege and the siege of Port Arthur? 7. To what was the 
capture of Tyre due? 8. What barbarous acts are mentioned in the 
text? 9. What was there peculiar about the way in which Alexander 
celebrated the victory? 

E. The Battle of Arbela 

Arrian, Anabasis, III, 8, 9 

I. The whole army of Darius was said to contain 40,000 
cavalry, 1,000,000 infantry, and 200 scythe-bearing chariots. 
There were only a few elephants, about fifteen in number, be- 
longing to the Indians who live this side of the Indus. With 
these forces Darius had encamped at Guagamela, near the river 
Bumodus, about 600 stades distant from the city of Ar- 
bela, in a district everywhere level; for whatever ground there- 
abouts was unlevel and unfit for the evolutions of cavalry had 
long before been levelled by the Persians, and made fit for the easy 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 309 

rolling of chariots and for the galloping of horses. For there were 
some who persuaded Darius that he had forsooth got the worst 
of it in the battle fought at Issus, from the narrow^ness of the 
battle-field ; and this he was easily induced to believe. 

When Alexander had received all this information from the 
Persian scouts who had been captured, he remained four days in 
the place where he had received the new^s ; and gave his army rest 
after the march. He meanwhile fortified his camp with a ditch 
and stockade, as he intended to leave behind the baggage and all 
the soldiers who were unfit for fighting, and to go into the contest 
accompanied by his warriors carrying with them nothing except 
their weapons. Accordingly he took his forces by night, and 
began the march about the second watch, in order to come into 
collision w^ith the foreigners at break of day. As soon as Darius 
w^as informed of Alexander's approach, he at once drew out his 
army for battle ; and Alexander led on his men drawn up in like 
manner. Though the armies were only sixty stades from each 
other, they were not yet in sight of each other, for between the 
hostile forces some hills intervened. But when Alexander was 
only thirty stades distant from the enemy, and his army was 
already marching down from the hills just mentioned, catching sight 
of the foreigners he caused his phalanx to halt there. Calling a 
council of the companions, generals, cavalry officers, and leaders 
of the Grecian aUies and mercenaries, he deliberated with them 
whether he should at once lead on the phalanx without delay, as 
most of them urged him to do ; or whether, as Parmenio thought 
preferable, to encamp there for the present, to reconnoitre all the 
ground, in order to see if there was anything there to excite sus- 
picion or to impede their progress, or if there were ditches or 
stakes firmly fixed in the earth out of sight, as well as to make a 
more accurate survey of the enemy's tactical arrangements. Par- 
menio's opinion prevailed, so they encamped there, drawn up 
in the order in which they intended to enter the battle. But 



3IO SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Alexander took the light infantry and the cavalry companions and 
went all round, reconnoitring the whole country where he was about 
to fight the battle. Having returned, he again called together the 
same leaders, and said that they did not require to be encouraged 
by him to enter the contest ; for they had been long before encour- 
aged by their own valor, and by the gallant deeds which they had 
already so often achieved. He thought it expedient that each of 
them individually should stir up his own men separately; each 
infantry captain the men of his own company, the cavalry cap- 
tain his own squadron, the colonels their various regiments, and 
each of the leaders of the infantry the phalanx intrusted to him. 
He assured them that in this battle they were going to fight, not 
as before, either for Coele-Syria, Phoenicia, or Egypt, but for the 
whole of Asia. For he said this battle would decide who wxre 
to be the rulers of the continent. 

Arrian, Anabasis, III, ii 

2. Darius and his army remained drawn up during the night in 
the same order as that in which they had first arrayed themselves ; 
because they had not surrounded themselves with a completely 
entrenched camp, and, moreover, they were afraid that the enemy 
would attack them in the night. The success of the Persians, 
on this occasion, was impeded especially by this long standing on 
watch with their arms, and by the fear w^hich usually springs 
up before great dangers ; which, however, w^as not then suddenly 
aroused by a momentary panic, but had been experienced for a 
long time, and had thoroughly cowed their spirits. 

Arrian, Anabasis, III, 12-15 

3. In this way had Alexander marshalled his army in front ; but 
he also posted a second array, so that his phalanx might be a 
double one. Directions had been given to the commanders of 
these men posted in the rear, to wheel round and receive the 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 311 

attack of the foreigners, if they should see their own comrades sur- 
rounded by the Persian army. Next to the royal squadron on 
the right wing, half of the Agrianians, under the command of 
Attalus, in conjunction with the Macedonian archers under 
Briso's command, were posted angular- wise {i.e in such a way that 
the wings were thrown forward at an angle with the centre, so as 
to take the enemy in flank) in case they should be seized anyhow 
by the necessity of folding back the phalanx (i.e. of deepening it by 
countermarching from front to rear), or of closing up the ranks. 
Next to the archers were the men called the veteran mercenaries, 
whose commander was Cleander. In front of the Agrianians and 
archers were posted the Hght cavalry used for skirmishing, and 
the Paeonians, under the command of Aretes and Aristo. In 
front of all had been posted the Grecian mercenary cavalry under 
the direction of Menidas; and in front of the royal squadron of 
cavalry and the other companions had been posted half of the 
Agrianians and archers, and the javelin-men of Balacrus who had 
been ranged opposite the scythe-bearing chariots. Instructions 
had been given to Menidas and the troops under him to w^heel 
round and attack the enemy in flank, if they should ride round 
their wing. Thus had Alexander arranged matters on the right 
wing. On the left the Thracians under the command of Sitalces 
had been posted angular-wise, and near them the cavalry of the 
Grecian allies, under the direction of Coeranus. Next stood the 
Odrysian cavalry, under the command of Agatho, son of Tyrim- 
mas. In this part, in front of all, were posted the auxiliary cavalry 
of the Grecian mercenaries, under the direction of Andromachus, 
son of Hiero. Near the baggage the infantry from Thrace were 
posted as a guard. The whole of Alexander's army numbered 
7000 cavalry and about 40,000 infantry. 

When the armies drew near each other, Darius and the men 
around him were observed ; viz. the apple-bearing Persians, the 
Indians, the j\lbanians, the Carians who had been forcibly 



312 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

transported into Central Asia, the Mardian archers ranged oppo- 
site Alexander himself, and the royal squadron of cavalry. Alex- 
ander led his own army more towards the right, and the Persians 
marched along parallel with him, far outflanking him upon their 
left. Then the Scythian cavalry rode along the line, and came into 
conflict with the front men of Alexander's array ; but he neverthe- 
less still continued to march towards the right, and almost entirely 
got beyond the ground which had been cleared and levelled by the 
Persians. Then Darius, fearing that his chariots would become 
useless, if the Macedonians advanced into the uneven ground, 
ordered the front ranks of his left wing to ride round the right 
wing of the Macedonians, w^here Alexander was commanding, to 
prevent him from marching his wing any farther. This being 
done, Alexander ordered the cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries 
under the command of Menidas to attack them. But the Scythian 
cavalry and the Bactrians, who had been drawn up with them, 
sallied forth against them, and being much more numerous they 
put the small body of Greeks to rout. Alexander then ordered 
Aristo at the head of the Pa^onians and Grecian auxiliaries to 
attack the Scythians; and the barbarians gave way. But the 
rest of the Bactrians drawing near to the Paeonians and Grecian 
auxiliaries caused their own comrades who were already in 
flight to turn and renew the battle ; and thus they brought about 
a general cavalry engagement, in which more of Alexander's men 
fell, not only being overwhelmed by the multitude of the barbarians, 
but also because the Scythians themselves and their horses were 
much more completely protected with armor for guarding their 
bodies. Notwithstanding this, the Macedonians sustained their 
assaults, and assailing them violently squadron by squadron, they 
succeeded in pushing them out of rank. Meantime the foreigners 
launched their scythe-bearing chariots against Alexander himself, 
for the purpose of throwing his phalanx into confusion ; but in this 
they were grievously deceived. For as soon as they approached. 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 313 

the Agrianians and the javeHn-men with Balacrus, who had been 
posted in front of the companion cavalry, hurled their javeHns at 
some of the horses ; others they seized by the reins and pulled 
the drivers off, and standing round the horses killed them. Yet 
some got right through the ranks, for the men stood apart and 
opened their ranks, as they had been instructed, in the places 
where the chariots assaulted them. In this way it generally 
happened that the chariots passed through safely, and the men by 
whom they w^ere driven were uninjured. But these also were 
afterwards overpowered by the grooms of Alexander's army 
and by the royal shield-bearing guards. 

As soon as Darius began to set his whole phalanx in motion, 
Alexander ordered Aretes to attack those who were riding com- 
pletely round his right wing ; and up to that time he was himself 
leading his men in column. But when the Persians had made a 
break in the front line of their army, in consequence of the cavalry 
sallying forth to assist those who were surrounding the right 
wing, Alexander wheeled round tow^ards the gap, and forming a 
wedge as it were of the companion cavalry and of the part of the 
phalanx which w^as posted here, he led them with a quick charge 
and loud battle-cry straight tow^ards Darius himself. For a short 
time there ensued a hand-to-hand fight ; but when the Macedonian 
cavalry, commanded by Alexander himself, pressed on vigorously, 
thrusting themselves against the Persians and striking their faces 
with their spears, and w^hen the Macedonian phalanx in dense 
array and bristling with long pikes had also made an attack 
upon them, all things together appeared full of terror to Darius, 
who had already long been in a state of fear, so that he was the first 
to turn and flee. The Persians also who w^ere riding round the 
wing were seized wuth alarm when Aretes made a vigorous attack 
upon them. In this quarter indeed the Persians took to speedy 
flight ; and the Macedonians followed up the fugitives and slaugh- 
tered them. Simmias and his brigade were not yet able to start 



314 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

with Alexander in pursuit, but causing the phalanx to halt there, 
he took part in the struggle, because the left wing of the Mace- 
donians was reported to be hard pressed. In this part of the field, 
their line being broken, some of the Indians and of the Persian 
cavalry burst through the gap towards the baggage of the Mace- 
donians; and there the action became desperate. For the Per- 
sians fell boldly on the men, who w^ere most of them unarmed, 
and never expected that any men w^ould cut through the double 
phalanx and break through upon them. When the Persians made 
this attack, the foreign prisoners also assisted them by falling 
upon the Macedonians in the midst of the action. But the com- 
manders of the men w^ho had been posted as a reserve to the first 
phalanx, learning what w^as taking place, quickly moved from the 
position which they had been ordered to take, and coming upon the 
Persians in the rear, killed many of them there collected round 
the baggage. But the rest of them gave way and fled. The Per- 
sians on the right wdng, who had not yet become aware of the flight 
of Darius, rode round Alexander's left wing and attacked Par- 
menio in flank. 

At this juncture, the Macedonians being at first in a state 
of confusion from being attacked on all sides, Parmenio sent a 
messenger to Alexander in haste, to tell him that their side was in 
a critical position and that he must send him aid. When this 
news was brought to Alexander, he turned back again from further 
pursuit, and w^heeling round with the companion cavalry, led them 
with great speed against the right wing of the foreigners. In the 
first place he assaulted the fleeing cavalry of the enemy, the Par- 
thians, some of the Indians, and the most numerous and the brav- 
est division of the Persians. Then ensued the most obstinately 
contested cavalry fight in the whole engagement. For being drawn 
up by squadrons, the foreigners wheeled round in deep column, and 
falling on Alexander's men face to face, they no longer relied on 
the hurling of javelins or the dexterous deploying of horses, as is 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 315 

the common practice in cavalry battles, but every one on his own 
account strove eagerly to break through v^hat stood in his way, as 
their only means of safety. They struck and were struck without 
quarter, as they were no longer struggling to secure the victory 
for another, but were contending for their own personal safety. 
Here about sixty of Alexander's companions fell; and Hephaes- 
tion himself, as well as Coenus and Menidas, was wounded. But 
these troops also were overcome by Alexander; and as many of 
them as could force their way through his ranks fled with all their 
might. And now Alexander had nearly come into conflict with 
the enemy's right wing ; but in the meantime the Thessalian cav- 
alry, in a splendid struggle, were not falling short of Alexander's 
success in the engagement. For the foreigners on the right wing 
were already beginning to fly w^hen he came on the scene of con- 
flict; so that he wheeled round again and started off in pursuit 
of Darius once more, keeping up the chase as long as there was 
daylight. Parmenio's brigade also 'followed in pursuit of those 
who were opposed to them. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Is it probable that Darius had more than a million men in line at 
Arbela? 2. Why should we not believe it, if Arrian says so? 3. Did 
Alexander depend entirely upon himself in deciding what should be 
done at Arbela? 4. What was the first mistake that Darius made? 
5. How many kinds of soldiers (referring to arms and methods of fight- 
ing) were employed in Alexander's army ? 6. What arms had Darius 
not possessed by Alexander ? 7. Describe the battle, breaking it up into 
parts. 8. Draw a rough plan of the battle. 9. Did the fighting cease 
when Darius fled? 10. Was the victory an easy one for the Mace- 
donians? II. What was the chief cause of the Persian defeat? 
12. What was the significance of the battle? 13. Is it probable that 
Alexander realized this before the battle ? 



3i6 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 



F. The Pursuit of Darius 

Arrian, Anabasis, III, 21 

I. At this time Bagistanes, one of the Babylonian nobles, came 
to him (Alexander) from the camp of Darius, accompanied by 
Antibelus, one of the sons of Mazaeus. These men informed him 
that Nabarzanes, the commander of the cavalry which accom- 
panied Darius in his flight ; Bessus, viceroy of the Bactrians and 
Barsaentes, viceroy of the Arachotians and Drangians, had 
arrested the king. When Alexander heard this he marched wdth 
still greater speed than ever, taking with him only the com- 
panions and the skirmishing cavalry, as well as some of the 
foot soldiers, selected as the strongest and lightest men. . . . His 
own men took with them nothing but their arms and provisions for 
two days. After marching the whole night until noon of the next 
day he gave his army a short rest, then went on again all night, and 
when day began to break reached the camp from which Bagistanes 
had set out to meet him ; but he did not catch the enemy. How- 
ever, in regard to Darius, he ascertained that he had been arrested 
and was being conveyed in a covered carriage; that Bessus pos- 
sessed the command instead of Darius. ... He also learned 
that those who had arrested Darius had come to the decision to 
surrender him to Alexander and to procure some advantage for 
themselves, if they should find that Alexander was pursuing them. 
. . . Hearing this, Alexander thought it necessary to pursue with 
all his might ; and though his men and horses were already quite 
fatigued by the incessant severity of their labors, he nevertheless 
proceeded, and, travehng a long way all through the night and the 
next day till noon, arrived at a certain village, where those who 
were leading Darius had encamped the day before. Hearing 
there that the barbarians had decided to continue their march by 
night, he inquired of th^e natives if they knew any shorter road to 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 317 

the fugitives. They said they did know one, but it ran through a 
country which was desert through lack of water. He neverthe- 
less ordered them to show him this way, and perceiving that the 
infantry could not keep up with him if he marched at full speed, 
he caused 500 of the cavalry to dismount from their horses, and 
selecting the officers of the infantry and the best of the other 
foot soldiers, he ordered them to mount the horses armed just as 
they were. He also directed Nicanor, the commander of the shield- 
bearing guards, and Attalus, commander of the Agrianians, to 
lead their men who were left behind by the same route which Bessus 
had taken, having equipped them as lightly as possible; and he 
ordered the rest of the infantry to follow in regular marching order. 
He himself began to march in the afternoon, and led the way 
with great rapidity. Having travelled 400 stades in the night, 
he came upon the barbarians just before daybreak, going along 
without any order and unarmed ; so that only a few of them rushed 
to defend themselves, but most of them, as soon as they saw Alex- 
ander himself, took to flight without even coming to blows. A few 
of those who had turned to resist being killed, the rest of these 
also took to flight. Up to this time, Bessus and his party were 
still conveying Darius with them in a covered carriage ; but w^hen 
Alexander was already close upon them, Nabarzanes and Barsa- 
entes wounded him and left him there, and with 600 horsemen 
took to flight. Darius died from his wounds soon after, before 
Alexander had seen him. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Point out some incidents of the pursuit of Darius by Alexander 
that illustrate some of the characteristics to which the success of Alex- 
ander was due. 2. Why did he substitute infantry for the dismounted 
cavalrymen ? 



3i8 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

G. The Death of Clitus 

Arrian, Anabasis, IV, 8, 9 

I. Here then I shall give an account of the tragic fate of Clitus, 
son of Dropidas, and of Alexander's mishap in regard to it. Though 
it occurred a little while after this, it will not be out of place here. 
The Macedonians kept a day sacred to Dionysus, and on that day 
Alexander used to offer sacrifice to him every year. But they 
say that on this occasion he was neglectful of Dionysus, and sac- 
rificed to the Dioscuri instead ; for he had resolved to offer sacri- 
fice to those deities for some reason or other. When the drink- 
ing-party on this occasion had already gone on too long (for 
Alexander had now made innovations even in regard to drinking, 
by imitating too much the custom of foreigners), and in the midst 
of the carouse a discussion had arisen about the Dioscuri, how their 
procreation had been taken away from Tyndareus and ascribed 
to Zeus, some of those present, in order to flatter Alexander, main- 
tained that Polydeuces and Castor were in no way worthy to com- 
pare with him and his exploits. Such men have always destroyed 
and will never cease to ruin the interests of those who happen to be 
reigning. In their carousal they did not even abstain from (com- 
paring him with) Heracles, saying that envy stood in the way of 
the living receiving the honors due to them from their associates. 
It was well known that Clitus had long been vexed at Alexander 
for the change in his style of living in excessive imitation of foreign 
customs, and at those who flattered him with their speech. At 
that time, also, being heated with wine, he would not permit them 
either to insult the deity, or, by depreciating the deeds of the 
ancient heroes, to confer upon Alexander this gratification which 
deserved no thanks. He affirmed Alexander's deeds were neither 
in fact at all so great or marvellous as they represented in their 
laudation ; nor had he achieved them by himself, but for the most 
part they were the deeds of the Macedonians. The delivery of 




Fig. 2 2. Victory of Samothrace 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 319 

the speech annoyed Alexander; and I do not commend it, for I 
think, in such a drunken bout, it would have been sufficient if 
so far as he was personally concerned, he had kept silence, and not 
committed the error of indulging in the same flattery as the others. 
But when some even mentioned Philip's actions without exercising 
a just judgment, declaring that he had performed nothing great 
or marvellous, they herein gratified Alexander; but Clitus being 
then no longer able to contain himself began to put Philip's achieve- 
ments in the first rank, and to depreciate Alexander and his per- 
formances. CHtus being now quite intoxicated, made other de- 
preciatory remarks and even vehemently reviled him, because for- 
sooth he had saved his life, when the cavalry battle had been 
fought with the Persians at the Granicus. Then, indeed, arro- 
gantly stretching out his right hand, he said: ''This hand, O 
Alexander, preserved thee on that occasion." Alexander could 
now no longer endure the drunken insolence of Chtus ; but jumped 
up against him in a great rage. He was, however, restrained by 
his boon companions. As CHtus did not desist from his insulting 
remarks, Alexander shouted out a summons for his shield-bearing 
guards to attend him ; but when no one obeyed him, he said that 
he was reduced to the same position as Darius, when he was led 
about under arrest by Bessus and his adherents, and that he now 
possessed the mere name of king. Then his companions were no 
longer able to restrain him ; for according to some he leaped up 
and snatched a javehn from one of his confidential body-guards ; 
according to others, a long pike from one of his ordinary guards, 
with which he struck Chtus and killed him. Aristobulus does not 
say whence the drunken quarrel originated, but asserts that the 
fault was entirely on the side of Chtus, who, when Alexander had 
got so enraged with him as to jump up against him with the in- 
tention of making an end of him, was led away by Ptolemy, son 
of Lagus, the confidential body guard, through the gateway, beyond 
the wall and ditch of the citadel where the quarrel occurred. He 



320 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

adds that Clitus could not control himself, but went back again, 
and falling in with Alexander who was calling out for Clitus, he 
exclaimed: ''Alexander, here am I, Clitus!" Thereupon he was 
struck with a long pike and killed. 

I think CHtus deserving of severe censure for his insolent 
behavior to his king, while at the same time I pity Alexander for 
his mishap, because on that occasion he showed himself the slave 
of two vices, anger and drunkenness, by neither of which is it 
seemly for a prudent man to be enslaved. But then, on the other 
hand, I think his subsequent behavior worthy of praise, because 
directly after he had done the deed he recognized that it was a 
horrible one. Some of his biographers even say that he propped 
the pike against the wall with the intention of falling upon it him- 
self, thinking that it was not proper for him to live who had killed 
his friend when under the influence of wine. Most historians 
do not mention this, but say that he went off to bed and lay there 
lamenting, caUing Clitus himself by name, and his sister Lanice, 
daughter of Dropidas, who had been his nurse. He exclaimed 
that having reached man's estate he had forsooth bestowed on her 
a noble reward for her care in rearing him, as she had lived to see 
her own sons die fighting on his behalf, and he himself had slain 
her brother with his own hand. He did not cease calling himself 
the murderer of his friends ; and for three days rigidly abstained 
from food and drink, and paid no attention whatever to his per- 
sonal appearance. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What difference between the European and Oriental attitude 
towards a king was brought out in the discussion at the drinking bout ? 
2. Why was it natural for the first to steadily become more prominent 
in the life of Alexander? 3. How much truth was there in the remarks 
of Clitus about Alexander and his father? 4. How did Arrian know 
what took place between Alexander and Clitus ? 5. Did all his sources 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 321 

agree? 6. Was Alexander's deed a natural one under the circum- 
stances? 7. Does it follow that he was a bad man? 

H. Alexander Wounded 

Arrian, Anabasis, VI, 9-13 

I. On the following day, dividing the army into two parts, 
he himself assaulted the wall at the head of one and Perdiccas led 
on the other. Upon this the Indians did not wait to receive the 
attack of the Macedonians, but abandoned the walls of the city 
and fled for safety into the citadel. Alexander and his troops, 
therefore, split open a small gate, and got within the city long 
before the others; for those who had been put under Perdiccas 
were behind time, having experienced difficulty in scaling the walls, 
as most of them did not bring ladders, thinking that the city had 
been captured, when they observed that the walls were deserted by 
the defenders. But when the citadel was seen to be still in pos- 
session of the enemy, and many of them were observed drawn up 
in front of it to repel the attacks, some of the Macedonians tried 
to force an entry by undermining the wall, and others by placing 
scaling ladders against it wherever it was practicable to do so. 
Alexander, thinking that the men who carried the ladders were too 
slow, snatched one from a man who was carrying it, placed it 
against the wall himself, and began to mount it, crouching under 
his shield. After him mounted Peucestas, the man who carried 
the sacred shield which Alexander took from the temple of the 
Trojan Athena, and used to keep with him and have it carried 
before him in all his battles. After Peucestas, by the same ladder, 
ascended Leonnatus, the confidential body-guard ; and up another 
ladder went Abreas, one of the soldiers who received double pay 
for distinguished services. The king was now near the battlement 
of the walls, and leaning his shield against it was pushing some of 
the Indians within the fort, and had cleared that part of the wall 
by killing others with his sword. The shield-bearing guards, 



2,22 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

becoming very anxious for the king's safety, pushed themselves with 
ardor up the same ladder and broke it; so that those who were 
already mounting fell down and made the ascent impractical for 
the rest. Alexander, then, standing upon the walls, was being 
assailed all around from the adjacent towers ; for none of the Ind- 
ians dared to approach him. He was also being assailed by the 
men in the city, who were throwing darts at him from no great 
distance ; for a mound of earth happened to have been heaped up 
there opposite the walls. Alexander was conspicuous both by the 
brilliancy of his weapons and by his extraordinary display of au- 
dacity. He therefore perceived that if he remained where he was 
he would be incurring danger without being able to perform any- 
thing at all worthy of consideration ; but if he leaped down within 
the fort he might, perhaps, by this very act strike the Indians with 
terror, and if he did not, but should only thereby be incurring dan- 
ger, and at any rate he would die not ignobly after performing great 
deeds of valor worth hearing about by men of after- times. Form- 
ing this resolution, he leaped down from the wall into the citadel ; 
where, supporting himself against the wall, he struck with his 
sword and killed some of the Indians who came to close quarters 
with him, including their leader, who rushed upon him too boldly. 
Another man who approached him he kept in check by hurhng 
a stone at him, and a third in like manner. Another, who had ad- 
vanced nearer to him, he again kept ofif with his sword ; so that 
the barbarians were no longer willing to approach him, but stand- 
ing around him, cast at him from all sides whatever missile any one 
happened to have or could get hold of at the time. 

Meantime, Peucestas and Abreas, the soldier entitled to double 
pay, and after them Leonnatus, being the only men who hap- 
pened to have scaled the walls before the ladders were broken, 
had leaped down and were fighting in front of the king. Abreas, 
the man entitled to double pay, fell there, being shot with an arrow 
in the forehead. Alexander, himself, also was wounded with an 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 323 

arrow under the breast, through his breastplate in the chest, so 
that, Ptolemy says, air was breathed out from the wound together 
with the blood. But although he was faint from exhaustion, he 
defended himself as long as his blood was still warm. But the 
blood streaming out copiously and without ceasing at every expira- 
tion of breath, he was seized with a dizziness and swooning, and 
bending over, fell upon his shield. After he had fallen, Peucestas 
defended him, holding over him in front the sacred shield brought 
from Troy ; and on the other side he was defended by Leonnatus. 
But both these men were themselves wounded, and Alexander was 
now nearly fainting away from loss of blood. For the Macedo- 
nians had experienced great difficulty in the assault also on this 
account, because those who saw Alexander being shot at upon the 
walls, and then leaping down into the citadel within, in their ardor 
arising from fear lest their king should meet with any mishap by 
recklessly exposing himself to danger, broke the ladders. Then 
some began to devise one plan and others another to mount upon 
the walls, as well as they could in their state of embarrassment, 
some fixing pegs into the wall, which was made of earth, and sus- 
pending themselves from these, hoisted themselves up with diffi- 
culty by their means ; others got up by mounting one upon the 
other. The first who got up threw himself down from the wall 
into the city, and so did they all, with a loud lamentation and howl 
of grief, when they saw the king lying on the ground. Now en- 
sued a desperate conflict around the fallen body, one Macedonian 
after another holding his shield in front of him. In the meantime 
some of the soldiers having shivered in pieces the bar by which 
the gate in the space of the wall between the towers was secured, 
entered the city a few at a time ; while others, putting their shoul- 
ders under the gap made by the gate, forced their way into the space 
inside the wall, and thus laid the citadel open in that quarter. 

Hereupon some of them began to kill the Indians, all of whom 
they slew, sparing not even a woman or child. Others carried off 



324 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

the king, who was lying in a faint condition upon his shield ; and 
they could not yet tell whether he was likely to survive. . . . 

When the ship bearing the king approached the camp he 
ordered the tent covering to be removed from the stern that he 
might be visible to all. But they were still incredulous, thinking, 
forsooth, that Alexander's corpse was being conveyed on the vessel ; 
until at length he stretched out his hand to the multitude when the 
ship was nearing the bank. Then the men raised a cheer, lifting 
their hands, some toward the sky, and others to the king himself. 
Many even shed involuntary tears at the unexpected sight. Some 
of the shield-bearing guards brought a Htter for him when he was 
conveyed out of the ship ; but he ordered them to fetch his horse. 
When he w^as seen again mounting his horse, the whole army re- 
echoed w4th loud clapping of hands, so that the banks of the river 
and the groves near them reverberated with the sound. On 
approaching his tent he dismounted from his horse, so that he 
might be seen walking. Then the men came near, some on one 
side, some on the other, some touching his hands, others his knees, 
others only his clothes. Some only came close enough to get a 
sight of him, and went away having chanted his praise, w^hile others 
threw garlands upon him of the flowers which the country of Indian 
supplied at that season of the year. Nearchus says that some of 
his friends incurred his displeasure, reproaching him for exposing 
himself to danger in the front of the army in battle ; which, they 
said, was the duty of the private soldier and not that of the general. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Why did Alexander expose his life in scaling the wall? 2. Had 
he been a common soldier, would he have escaped alive? 3. What in- 
ducement had the soldiers to perform daring deeds? 4. What kind of 
soldiers does this incident show that the Macedonians were? 5. Do 
you feel that this account of the wounding of Alexander is, on the whole, 
true ? 6. What do you think of the story of Ptolemy that air came out 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 325 

of the wound? 7. Why should the soldiers think that the death of 
Alexander would be concealed from them? 8. Why did Alexander 
mount his horse rather than allow himself to be carried in a litter? 
9. Do you think that there was any connection between the daring way 
in which Alexander exposed himself and the affection of the soldiers for 
him? 

J. The Death of Alexander 

Arrian, Anabasis, VII, 25-28 

I. The Royal Diary gives the following account (31 May), to the 
effect that he revelled and drank at the dwelling of Medius; (i 
June) After retiring from the drinking party he took a bath ; after 
which he took a little food and slept there, because he already 
felt feverish. He w^as carried out upon a couch to the sacrifices, 
in order that he might offer them according to his daily custom. 
After placing the sacrifices (upon the altar) he lay down in the 
banqueting hall until dusk. In the meantime he gave instructions 
to the officers about the expedition and voyage, ordering those who 
were going on foot to be ready on the fourth day, and those who 
w^ere going to sail wath him to be ready to sail on the fifth day. 
From this place he w^as carried upon the couch to the river, where 
he embarked in a boat and sailed across the river to the park. 
There he again took a bath and w^ent to rest. (3 June) On the 
foUow^ing day he took another bath and offered the customary sac- 
rifices. He then entered a tester bed, lay dow^n, and chatted with 
Medius. He also ordered his officers to meet him at daybreak. 
Having done this he ate a little supper and was again conveyed 
into the tester bed. The fever now raged the w^hole night without 
intermission. (4 June) The next day he took a bath ; after which 
he offered sacrifice, and gave orders to Nearchus and the other 
officers that the voyage should begin on the third day. (5 June) 
The next day he bathed again and oft'ered the prescribed sacri- 
fices. After placing the sacrifices (upon the altar) he did not yet 



326 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

keep quiet though suffering from the fever. Notwithstanding 
this, he summoned the officers and gave them instructions to have 
all things ready for the starting of the fleet. In the evening he 
took a bath, after which he was very ill. (6 June) The next day 
he was transferred to the house near the sw^imming-bath, where he 
offered the prescribed sacrifices. Though he was now very dan- 
gerously ill, he summoned the most responsible of his officers and 
gave them fresh instructions about the voyage. (7 June) On the 
following day he was with difficulty carried out to the sacrifices, 
which he offered; and none the less gave other orders to the 
officers about the voyage. (8 June) The next day, though he was 
now very ill, he offered the prescribed sacrifices. He now gave 
orders that the generals should remain in attendance in the hall, 
and that the colonels and captains should remain before the gates. 
But being now altogether in a dangerous state, he was conveyed 
from the park into the palace. When his officers entered the room, 
he knew them indeed, but no longer uttered a word, being speech- 
less. (9 June) During the ensuing night and day and the next night 
and day he was in a very high fever (10 June). 

Such is the account given in the Royal Diary. In addition 
to this, it states that the soldiers w^ere very desirous of seeing him ; 
some, in order to see him once more while still alive; others, be- 
cause there w^as a report that he was already dead, imagined that 
his death was being concealed by the confidential body-guards, as 
I for my part suppose. Most of them through grief and affection 
for their king forced their way in to see him. It is said that when 
his soldiers passed by him he was unable to speak ; yet he greeted 
each of them with his right hand, raising his head w^ith difficulty 
and making a sign with his eyes. The Royal Diary also says 
that Peithon, Attalus, Demophon, and Peucestas, as well as Cle- 
omenes, Menidas, and Seleucus, slept in the temple of Serapis, 
and asked the god whether it would be better and more desirable 
for Alexander to be carried into his temple, in order as a suppliant 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 327 

to be cured by him. A voice issued from the god saying that he 
was not to be carried into the temple, but that it would be better 
for him to remain where he was. This answer was reported by 
the companions; and soon after Alexander died, as if forsooth 
this were now the better thing (11 June, in the evening, 28th of 
Daisios or Thargelion). Neither Aristobulus nor Ptolemy has 
given an account differing much from the preceding. Some 
authors, however, have related that his companions asked him 
to whom he left his kingdom; and that he replied: *'To the 
best.'' Others say, that in addition to this remark, he told them 
that he saw there would be a great funeral contest held in his 
honor. 

I am aware that many other particulars have been related 
by historians concerning Alexander's death, and especially that 
poison was sent for him by Antipater, from the effects of which ^ 
he died. It is also asserted that the poison was procured for An- 
tipater by Aristotle, who was now afraid of Alexander on account 
of Callisthenes. It is said to have been conveyed by Casander, 
the son of Antipater, some recording that he conveyed it in the 
hoof of a mule, and that his younger brother lollas gave it to the 
king. For this man was the royal cupbearer, and he happened to 
have received some affront from Alexander a short time before his 
death. Others have stated that Medius, being a lover of lollas, 
took part in the deed ; for he it was who induced the king to hold 
the revel. They say that Alexander was seized with an acute 
paroxysm of pain over the wine-cup, on feeling which he retired 
from the drinking bout. One writer has not even been ashamed 
to record that when Alexander perceived he was unlikely to sur- 
vive, he was going out to throw himself into the river Euphrates, 
so that he might disappear from men's sight, and leave among the 
men of after-times a more firmly rooted opinion that he owed his 
birth to a god, and had departed to the gods. But as he was going 
out he did not escape the notice of his wife Roxana, who restrained 



328 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

him from carrying out his design. Whereupon he uttered lam- 
entations, saying that she forsooth envied him the complete glory 
of being thought the offspring of the god. These statements I 
have recorded rather that I may not seem to be ignorant that they 
have been made, than because I consider them worthy of credence 
or even of narration. 

Alexander died in the hundred and fourteenth Olympiad, 
in the archonship of Hegesias at Athens. According to the 
statement of Aristobulus, he lived thirty-two years, and had 
reached the eighth month of his thirty-third year. He had reigned 
twelve years and these eight months. He was very handsome in 
person, and much devoted to exertion, very active in mind, very 
heroic in courage, very tenacious of honor, exceedingly fond of in- 
curring danger, and strictly observant of his duty to the deity. 
In regard to the pleasures of the body, he had perfect self-control ; 
and of those of the mind, praise was the only one of which he was 
insatiable. He was very clever in recognizing what was necessary 
to be done, when others were still in a state of uncertainty; and 
very successful in conjecturing from the observation of facts what 
was likely to occur. In marshalhng, arming, and ruling an army, 
he was exceedingly skilful; and very renowned for rousing the 
courage of his soldiers, filling them with hopes of success, and dis- 
pelling their fear in the midst of danger by his own freedom from 
fear. Therefore even what he had to do in uncertainty of the 
result he did with the greatest boldness. He was also very clever 
in getting the start of his enemies, and snatching from them their 
advantages by secretly forestalling them, before any one even 
feared what was about to happen. He was likewise very stead- 
fast in keeping the agreements and settlements which he made, 
as well as very secure from being entrapped by deceivers. Finally, 
he was very sparing in the expenditure of money for the grati- 
fication of his own pleasures; but he was exceedingly bountiful 
in spending it for the benefit of his associates. 



THE CONQUESTS OF ALEXANDER 



329 



QUESTIONS 

I. To what was the death of Alexander probably due? 2. To what 
other causes did some of the writers of his day attribute it? 3. What 
traits of Alexander's character are brought out by Arrian in his account 
of the last sickness? 4. What is Arrian's chief source of information 
here? 5. How valuable is such a source? 6. How does it compare 
in value with the best sources that we have used? 7. What other 
sources did Arrian use here ? 8. When they disagreed, what did he do ? 
9. Was Alexander a great general? 10. Was he an abler man than 
his father? 




Fig. 23. Theatre at Epidaurus 



XIII. THE ACH/EAN LEAGUE 

Polybius, Histories, II, 37 

1. The Achaeans, as I have stated before, have in our time made 
extraordinary progress in material prosperity and internal unity. 
For though many statesmen had tried in past times to induce the 
Peloponnesians to join in a common league for the common in- 
terests of all, and had always failed, because every one was working 
to secure his own power rather than the freedom of the whole; 
yet in our day this policy has made such progress and been 
carried out with such completeness, that not only is there in the 
Peloponnese a community of interests such as exists between allies 
or friends, but an absolute identity of laws, weights, measures, and 
currency. All the states have the same magistrates, senate, and 
judges. Nor is there any difference between the entire Pelopon- 
nese and a single city, except in the fact that its inhabitants are not 
included within the same wall ; in other respects, both as a whole 
and in their individual cities, there is a nearly absolute assimila- 
tion of institutions. 

Polybius, Histories, V, i 

2. The year of office as strategus of the younger Aratus had now 
come to an end with the rising of the Pleiades ; ^ for that was the 
arrangement of time then observed by the Achaeans. Accordingly 
he laid down his office and was succeeded in the command of the 
Achaeans by Eperatus. 

Polybius, Histories, XXIII, 5 

3. Having landed at Naupactus, Flaminius addressed a de- 
spatch to the strategus and demiurgi ^ bidding them summon the 

* May 13. 2 Ten federal magistrates. 

330 



THE ACH^AN LEAGUE 331 

Achaeans to an assembly; to which they wrote back that ''they 
would do so if he would write them word what the subjects were 
on which he wished to confer with the Achaeans ; for the laws en- 
joined that limitation on the magistrates." 

Polybius, Histories^ IV, 7 

4. This being the time, according to their laws, for the meet- 
ing of the Achaean federal assembly, the members arrived at 
iEgium. When the assembly met, the deputies from Patrae and 
Pharae made a formal statement of the injuries inflicted upon their 
territories during the passage of the ^Etolians; an embassy from 
Messenia also appeared, begging for their assistance on the ground 
that the treatment from which they were suffering was unjust and 
in defiance of treaty. . . . Roused to indignation by all these 
considerations, the assembly voted to give assistance to the Mes- 
senians; that the strategus should summon a general levy of the 
Achaean arms ; and that whatever w^as decided by this levy, when 
it met, should be done. Now Timoxenus, the existing strategus, 
was just on the point of quitting office, and felt besides small con- 
fidence in the Achaeans, because martial exercise had been allowed 
to fall into neglect among them ; he therefore shrank from under- 
taking the expedition, or from even summoning the popular levy. 

Polybius, Histories, XXII, 10 

5. I have already stated that in the Peloponnese, while Philo- 
poemen was still strategus, the Achaean league sent an embassy 
to Rome on the subject of Sparta, and another to King Ptolemy to 
renew their ancient alliance. 

Immediately after Philopoemen had been succeeded by Aris- 
taenus as strategus the ambassadors of King Ptolemy arrived, while 
the league meeting was assembled at Megalopolis. King Eu- 
menes also had despatched an embassy offering to give the Achaeans 
one hundred and twenty talents on condition that it was invested 



1,7,2 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

and the interest used to pay the council of the league at the time 
of the federal assemblies. Ambassadors came also from King 
Seleucus to renew his friendship with them, and offering a present 
of a fleet of ten ships of w^ar. But when the assembly got to busir 
ness the first to come forward to speak w^as Nicodemus of Elis, 
who recounted to the Achaeans what he and his colleagues had said 
in the senate about Sparta, and read the answer of the senate, 
which was to the effect that the senate disapproved of the de- 
struction of the walls, and of the execution of the men put to death 
at Compasium, and that it did not rescind any arrangement made. 
No one saying a w^ord for or against this, the subject was allowed 
to pass. 

Next came the ambassadors from Eumenes, who renewed the 
ancestral friendship of the king with the Achaeans, and stated to 
the assembly the offer made by him. They spoke at great length 
on these subjects and retired after setting forth the greatness of 
the king's kindness and affection to the nation. 

After they had finished their speech, Apollonidas of Sicyon 
rose and said that: ''As far as the amount of the money was con- 
cerned, it w^as a present worthy of the Achaeans. But if they looked 
to the intention of the donor, or the purpose to which the gift was 
to be applied, none could well be more insulting and more uncon- 
stitutional. The laws prohibited any one, whether a private in- 
dividual or magistrate, from accepting presents from a king on any 
pretence whatever ; but if they took this money they would every 
one of them be plainly accepting a present, which was at once the 
greatest possible breach of the law, and confessedly the deepest 
possible personal disgrace. For that the council should take a 
great wage from Eumenes, and meet to deliberate on the interests 
of the league after swallowing such a bait was manifestly dis- 
graceful and injurious. It was Eumenes that offered money now ; 
presently it would be Prusias; and then Seleucus. But as the 
interests of democracies and kings are quite opposite to each other. 



THE ACH/EAN LEAGUE 333 

and as our most frequent and most important deliberations con- 
cern the points of controversy arising between us and the kings, 
one of two things must necessarily happen : either the interests of 
the king will have precedence over our own or we must incur the 
reproach of ingratitude for opposing our paymasters.'' He there- 
fore urged the Achaeans not only to decline the offer, but to hold 
Eumenes in detestation for thinking of making it. . . . 

After these speeches had been delivered the people showed such 
signs of enthusiastic approval that no one ventured to speak on the 
side of the king; but the whole assembly rejected the offer by 
acclamation, though its amount made it exceedingly tempting. 

The next subject introduced for debate was that of King 
Ptolemy. The ambassadors who had been on the mission to 
Ptolemy were called forward, and Lycortas, acting as spokesman, 
began by stating how they had interchanged oaths of alliance with 
the king; and next announced that they brought a present from 
the king to the Achaean league of six thousand stands of arms for 
peltasts, and two thousand talents in bronze coinage. He added 
a panegyric on the king and finished his speech by a brief reference 
to the good will and active benevolence of the king towards the 
Achaeans. Upon this the strategus of the Achaeans, Aristaenus, 
stood up and asked Lycortas and his colleagues in the embassy to 
Ptolemy ^' which alliance it was that he had thus renewed?" 

No one answering the question, but all the assembly beginning 
to converse with each other, the council chamber was filled with 
confusion. The cause of this absurd state of things was this: 
There had been several treaties of alliance formed between the 
Achaeans and Ptolemy's kingdom, as wddely different in their 
provision as in the circumstances which gave rise to them; but 
neither had Ptolemy's envoy made any distinction when arrang- 
ing for the renewal, merely speaking in general terms on the matter, 
nor had the ambassadors sent from Achaia ; but they had inter- 
changed the oaths on the assumption of there being but one treaty. 



334 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

The result was that, on the strategus quoting all the treaties, and 
pointing out in detail the differences between them, which turned 
out to be important, the assembly demanded to know which it was 
that it was renewing. And when no one was able to explain, not 
even Philopoemen himself, who had been in office when the renewal 
was made, nor Lycortas and his colleagues, who had been on the 
mission to Alexandria, these men all began to be regarded as care- 
less in conducting the business of the league; while Aristaenus 
acquired great reputation as being the only man who knew what 
he was talking about ; and finally the assembly refused to allow the 
ratification, voting, on account of this blunder, that the business 
should be postponed. 

Then the ambassadors from Seleucus entered with their proposal. 
The Achseans, however, voted to renew the friendship with Seleu- 
cus, but to dechne for the present the gift of the ships. 

Having thus finished their deliberations, the assembly broke up, 
and the people separated to their several cities. 

Polybius, Histories, XXIX, 24 

6. The people were once more inclined to grant the aid when 
they heard this ; but Callicrates and his party managed to prevent 
the decree being passed by staggering the magistrates with the 
assertion that it was unconstitutional to discuss the question of 
sending help abroad in public assembly. But a short time after- 
wards a meeting was summoned at Sicyon which was attended not 
only by the members of the council, but by all citizens over thirty 
years of age; and after a lengthened debate, Polybius especially 
dwelling on the fact that the Romans did not require assistance, — 
in which he was believed not to be speaking without good reason, 
as he had spent the previous summer in Macedonia at the head- 
quarters of Marcus Philippus, — and also alleging that even sup- 
posing the Romans did turn out to require their active support, 
the Achaeans would not be rendered incapable of furnishing it by 



THE ACH^AN LEAGUE 335 

the two hundred horse and one thousand foot which were to be 
sent to Alexandria, — for they could, without any inconvenience, 
put thirty or forty thousand men into the field, — the majority 
of the meeting were convinced, and were inclined to the idea of 
sending the aid. Accordingly, on the second of the two days on 
which, according to the laws, those who wished to do so were bound 
to bring forward their motions, Lycortas and Polybius proposed 
that the aid should be sent. 

Polybius, Histories, XXVIII, 7 

7. Archon, however, the strategus, rose to support the envoys, — 
for it was a matter that called for an expression of opinion from 
the strategus, — but after a few words he stood down, afraid of 
being thought to be giving his advice from interested motives and 
the hope of making money, because he had spent a large sum on 
his office. Amidst a general feehng of doubt and hesitation, 
Polybius rose and deHvered a long speech. But that part of it 
which best fell in with the feehngs of the populace was that in which 
he showed that ''The original decree of the Achaeans in regard to 
these honors enacted that such honors as were improper and con- 
trary to law were to be abolished, but not all honors by any 



means.'' 



Polybius, Histories, IV, 15 

8. The resolutions passed by the Achaean federal assembly were 
these: That embassies should be sent to Epirus, Boeotia, Phocis, 
Acarnania, and Philip to declare how the ^Etohans, in defiance of 
treaty, had twice entered Achaia with arms, and to call upon them 
for assistance in virtue of their agreement, and for their consent to 
the admission of the Messenians into the alliance. Next, that the 
strategus of the Achaeans should enroll five thousand foot and 
five hundred horse and support the Messenians in case the 
^tolians were to invade their territory, and to arrange with the 



336 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Lacedemonians and Messenians how many horse and foot were to 
be supplied by them severally for the service of the league. 

Polybius, Histories, V, 94 

9. After arranging this settlement, Aratus broke up his camp, 
and going on himself to the congress of the Achaeans, handed over 
the mercenaries to Lycus of Pharae, as the sub-strategus of the 
league. . . . About the same time the navarch of the league, 
having gone on an expedition to Molycria, returned with nearly 
a hundred captives. Returning once more to ^Etolia, he sailed to 
Chalceia and captured two warships, with their crews, which put 
out to resist him ; and took also a long boat, with its men, on the 
iEtohan Rhium. There being thus an influx of booty both by sea 
and land at the same period, and a considerable amount of money 
and provisions being obtained from this, the soldiers felt confident 
of getting their pay, and the cities of the league were sanguine of 
not being likely to be hard pressed by their contributions. 

Polybius, Histories, X, 22 

10. Being then appointed hipparch by the Achaean league at 
this time, and finding the squadrons in a state of utter demorali- 
zation and the men thoroughly dispirited, he did not only restore 
them to a better state than they were, but in a short time made 
them even superior to the enemy's cavalry by bringing them all to 
adopt habits of real training and genuine emulation. The fact 
is that most of those who hold this office of hipparch, either, 
from being w^ithout any genius themselves for cavalry tactics, do 
not venture to enforce necessary orders upon others; or, because 
they are aiming at being elected strategus, try all through their year 
of office to attach the young men to themselves and to secure their 
favor in the coming election; and accordingly never administer 
necessary reprimands, which are the salvation of the public in- 
terests, but hush up all transgressions, and, for the sake of gaining 




Fig. 24. Portrait of a Young Woman 



THE ACH.EAN LEAGUE 337 

an insignificant popularity, do great damage to those who trust 
them. Sometimes, ag^ain, commanders, though neither feeble nor 
corrupt, do more damage to the soldiers by intemperate zeal than 
the negligent ones, and this is still oftener the case with regard to 
the cavalry. . . . 

Polyoius, Histories^ V, 30 

11. When the next winter came Philip, having departed to 
Macedonia, and the Achaean strategus, Eperatus, having incurred 
the contempt of the Achaean soldiers and the complete disregard 
of the mercenaries, no one would obey his orders, and no prepara- 
tion w^as made for the defence of the country. This was observed 
by Pyrrhias, who had been sent by the ^Etolians to command 
the Eleans. . . . He now began committing frequent raids, not 
only upon the territories of Dyme and Pharae, but upon that of 
Patrae also. . . . The result v/as that the cities, being exposed 
to much suffering, and unable to obtain any assistance, began to 
make difficulties about paying their contribution to the league; 
and the soldiers, finding their pay always in arrear and never paid 
at the right time, acted in the same way about going to the relief 
of the towns. Both parties thus mutually retaliating on each 
other, affairs went from bad to w^orse, and at last the foreign contin- 
gent broke up altogether. And all this was the result of the in- 
competence of the chief magistrate. The time for the next election- 
finding the Achaean affairs in this state, Eperatus laid down his 
office, and just at the beginning of summer Aratus the elder was 
elected strategus. 

Polybius, Histories, V, 91 

12. Now, when Aratus came into office he found the mercenary 
army of the league in a state of complete demoralization, and the 
cities very slack to pay the tax for their support, owing to the bad 
and spiritless manner in w^hich his predecessor, Eperatus, had man- 
aged the affairs of the league. He, however, exhorted the members 



33^ 



SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 



of the league to reform, and obtained a decree dealing with this 
matter ; and then threw himself with energy into the preparation 
for the war. The decree passed by the Acha^ans ordered the 
maintenance of eight thousand mercenary infantry and five hun- 
dred horse, together with three thousand Achaean infantry and 
three hundred horse, enrolled in the usual way ; and that of these 
latter five hundred foot and fifty horse were to be brazen-shield 
men from Megalopolis, and the same number of Argives. It or- 
dered also that three ships should be manned to cruise oflf Acte 
and in the Argolic gulf, and three off Patrae and Dyme, and in the 
sea there. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What were the marks of unity in the states of the Peloponnesus? 
2. What were the titles of the officers of the league? 3. How, when, 
and where were they elected? 4. What were the duties of each? 
5. How long did each hold office? 6. How many parts in the gov- 
ernment? 7. How was each composed ? 8. What authority had each ? 
9. How was the league supported? 10. What trace of corruption do 
you find in the extracts? 11. What bad features do you notice about 
the army? 12. What is the value of the testimony of Polybius con- 
cerning the organization and working of the league? 




I'lG. 25. A Citizen vvitu His Sons 



APPENDIX I 
BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Arrian. {Arrian's Anabasis of Alexander and I ndica. Trans- 
lated by Edward James Chinnock, M.A., LL.D., London, 1893.) 
Arrian was born in Nicomedia, a town of Bithynia, in the first cen- 
tury of the Christian era. He went to Athens, made the acquaint- 
ance of the emperor Hadrian when he visited the city, accompanied 
him to Rome, and became a Roman citizen. After having held 
several offices and been governor of Cappadocia, he retired from 
public life and passed his remaining years in Nicomedia. In his 
early life, Arrian had been a pupil of the philosopher Epictetus 
and later published several volumes of recollections of his master. 
He also wrote a number of histories, the most important of which 
is the Anabasis. Among the extracts given in this volume is one 
from the Royal Diary, written by Eumenes of Cardia, private sec- 
retary of both PhiHp and Alexander and by Diodo'tus of Erythrae. 

Aristotle. {Aristotle on the Athenian Constitution. Trans- 
lated by F. G. Kenyon, M.A., London, 1891.) This document 
represents one of the most interesting finds of the nineteenth cen- 
tury. It was discovered in Egypt and came into the possession of 
the British Museum in 1890. It is copied on papyrus. There are 
four rolls that taken together make a document eighteen feet and 
eight inches in length and eleven inches in width. The papyrus 
had been used originally for the keeping of farm accounts for the 
year 79 a.d. Although the document bore no title, it was recog- 
nized by scholars as a study on the Athenian constitution, attrib- 
uted to Aristotle, that had not been seen for some twelve to 
eighteen centuries. Portions of the work had been preserved in 

339 



340 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

writings that we possess, and by comparison it was made certain 
that the long-lost work had been recovered. It is not certain that 
it is the work of Aristotle, but it w^as, at any rate, written under 
his eye, between the years 329 and 322 B.C. 

^SCHYLUS. {The Tragedies of Mschyliis. By E. H. Plumptre, 
D.D., Boston.) ^Eschylus, the first of the three great tragic 
poets of Greece, was born about 525 B.C., at Eleusis in Attica. He 
belonged to the upper class, and ''the feelings of this class cling to 
him through Hfe," making of him a supporter of Cimon against 
Pericles and a defender of the Areopagus. His residence in 
Eleusis, where the famous mysteries were celebrated, undoubtedly 
had a great influence on his life. He probably fought at Salamis. 
He produced between seventy and eighty plays, seven of which 
are extant. He is said to have been crowned fifty-two times as the 
winner of prizes in the public competition. His play of The Per- 
sians^ containing the description of the battle of Salamis, was per- 
formed eight years after the battle. ^Eschylus died about 456 B.C. 

Aristophanes. {Aristophanes, a Metrical Version of the Achar- 
nians, the Knights, and the Birds. By John Hookam Frere. 
Third Edition. London, 1890.) Aristophanes was born at 
Athens about 444 B.C. and died about 368 B.C. He was a preco- 
cious youth, winning his first prize for a comedy before he had 
reached the age when he could legally compete for a prize. The 
play was produced in the year 426 B.C., in the name of Callistratus. 
The Acharnians, written when Aristophanes was but nineteen, 
was also produced in the name of CalHstratus. The Knights was 
the first play given by Aristophanes in his own name (424 B.C.). 
The plays satirized Athenian life and institutions. The treatment 
by Aristophanes of certain persons in Athens was so severe that 
about 388 B.C. a law was passed forbidding the playwriters to name 
in their plays any living person. The law seems to have put an 
end to the so-called ''Old comedy.'' Aristophanes is said to have 
produced fifty-four comedies, ten of which have survived. 



APPENDIX 341 

Demosthenes. {The Olynthiac and Other Public Orations of 
Demosthenes. Translated by C. R. Kennedy. 2 vols. 1888. 
Vol. I.) Demosthenes was born in Athens, 385 B.C., and died at 
Calaurea, 322 B.C., probably taking his own life. When he first 
entered public life, awkwardness of manner and defect of speech 
rendered him ridiculous, and made success as a pubHc speaker im- 
possible. He went into retirement and for several years struggled 
against these defects, finally overcoming them. It is said that he 
read and copied the speeches of Thucydides many times. When 
he again appeared in public he was master of himself and was soon 
recognized as one of the foremost Athenian orators. He is con- 
sidered the greatest of the world's orators. Demosthenes led the 
party of opposition to Philip of Macedon at Athens, and the most 
famous of his orations. The Olynthiacs, The Philippics, and 
the oration On the Crown, were uttered in the course of the 
struggle with Macedon. The Third Olynthiac was delivered 
in 349 B.C. Athens had formed an alliance with Olynthus against 
Philip, and this speech was dehvered to induce the Athenians to 
send aid to their ally. The Second Philippic was delivered 
in 344 B.C. Philip was aiding the * Messenians against Sparta. 
Athens had sent an embassy, of which Demosthenes was a member, 
to warn the Messenians against PhiHp and to turn them against 
him. Philip, angry at this action, sent an embassy to Athens to 
upbraid the Athenians. It was on this occasion that Demosthenes 
spoke, defending his poHcy. 

Herodotus. {The History 0} Herodotus. Translated into 
English by G. C. Macaulay, M.A. 2 vols. London, 1890.) 
Herodotus was born at HaHcarnassus about 460 B.C. and died be- 
fore 424 B.C. ( ?). He hved for a time at Samos and also at Athens, 
but spent many years in travel in Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, and 
Greece, gathering material for his history of the Persian wars. 
Critics are not agreed upon the time when the work was written, 
but it is probable that it was written at Athens at the beginning 



342 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

of the Peloponnesian wars. Herodotus was a contemporary of 
Thucydides, although one would not readily imagine it from 
the vast difference between the mental attitudes of the two men. 
The history of the Persian wars rests very largely on oral tradition 
gathered by Herodotus. 

Hesiod. {The Works of Hesiod, Callimachus, and Theognis. 
Translated by the Rev. J. Banks, M.A. London, 1886.) Little 
is known of Hesiod apart from what is found in his own works. 
He was born and lived in Boeotia and might, not improperly, be 
called the farmer poet. He probably lived in the eighth century 
before Christ, for it was probably in that century that the three 
poems ascribed to him. Works and Days, The Theogony, and 
The Shield of Hercules y were written. The authorship of the last 
poem is more uncertain than that of the first two, and this poem 
seems also to be the product of a later period. It is not certain 
that Hesiod wrote the whole of the Works and Days, some of it 
undoubtedly being spurious, but the nucleus is probably genuine. 
The poem is in three parts: the first concerned with a good-for- 
nothing brother of Hesiod and the moral reflections that he sug- 
gests; the second contains directions for farmers and sailors; 
while the third teaches what days of the month are lucky or 
unlucky for certain actions. 

Iliad. (Translated by Lang, Leaf, and Myers. Macmillan 
and Company, New York, 1889.) This poem of the siege of Troy 
was long supposed to be the work of a blind poet, Homer. To- 
day Homer is looked upon as a myth, and the Iliad is regarded by 
scholars not as the work of one writer, but of a number of primi- 
tive bards and of later compilers. That is to say, the minstrels 
began to sing the lays that make up this volume before writing 
existed, possibly in the ninth century before Christ. Some 
genius then put together the songs that treated of the wrath of 
Achilles and his quarrel with Agamemnon. These form the nu- 
cleus of the Iliad. Afterwards this nucleus was enlarged, each book 



APPENDIX 343 

receiving a distinctive name, and the whole poem was wTitten down. 
Finally, several centuries after it was written down, the books 
were numbered as w^e have them to-day. The epic, then, instead 
of being the song of one poet, is the product of the Greek mind 
working through several centuries. 

Odyssey, (Translated by Butcher and Lang. D. Lothrop and 
Company, Boston, 1882.) The Odyssey w^as also attributed to 
Homer, but with no more reason than in the case of the Iliad. It, 
too, was probably the w^ork of more than one poet. The Odyssey 
was evidently written later than the Iliad, and describes a more 
advanced state of society. The poem deals with the wanderings 
of Odysseus on his return from Troy and the trials of his wife 
Penelope, who waited long years in Ithaca for his home-coming. 
All the characters in the Iliad and the Odyssey are mythical. 

Our information upon the life of the early Greeks is drawn 
almost entirely from these poems. Naturally there has been much 
discussion among historians concerning the value of such sources. 
The argument in favor of using them is founded on the theory 
that in describing past events the untutored bard, unfamiliar 
with the differences produced by time in the manners and customs 
of a people, knowing only the life around him, unconsciously, 
as a child, drew upon the world about him for the setting of his 
poem. Thus he left a picture of the manners and customs of his 
time, all the more truthful because it was unconscious. We must 
remember, however, that it is only the elements that he used that 
can be used by the historian. When the poet speaks of "golden 
doors,'' w^e may infer that there w^as gold and that there were doors 
in his day, but not necessarily "golden doors." 

Pausanias. (Pausanias^ Description of Greece. Translated by 
Arthur Richard Shilleto, M.A. 2 vols. London, 1886.) Pau- 
sanias Hved in the second century of the Christian era. He was 
born in Asia Minor, travelled over the largest part of the known 
world of his day, and finally settled in Rome, w^here he died. His 



344 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

volume in ten books, A Description of Greece, was composed about 
174 A.D., and is the oldest guide book of Greece in existence. 
Much that he saw and described has since disappeared. He is 
credulous and naive, and although his work is valuable to the 
archaeologist, it contains little that is valuable in the form of tradi- 
tion. A study of the portion of his work dealing with the early 
wars of Sparta has led to the conclusion that for this part Pau- 
sanias probably made use of the list of Spartan kings and their 
deeds composed by Sosibios, who lived in the first half of the 
third century before Christ. 

Pindar. {The Extant Odes 0} Pindar. Translated into Eng- 
lish by Ernest Myers, M.A. London, 1892.) Pindar was born in 
Boeotia in 522 and died at his home near Thebes about 452 B.C. 
He belonged to one of the noblest famihes of Greece and stood 
in immediate relations with the priesthood of Apollo at Delphi. 
He is the greatest of the Greek lyric poets. The forty-four odes 
that still remain w^ere written to celebrate the victors in the great 
games of Greece. Of the magnificence of these games and of the 
permanent honors acquired by the victors, the Greek world over, 
it is difficult for us to form to-day an adequate conception. It was 
no small thing for the winner to be immortalized in the verse of 
Pindar. Such an ode was "an abiding monument — an heirloom 
for the victor, his family, and his city. Thus the ode in which 
Pindar celebrated the victory of the Rhodian Diagoras is said to 
have been copied in letters of gold and deposited in the temple of 
Athena at Lindus in Rhodes." The ode was sung by a chorus, and 
the song was accompanied by a rhythmic movement of the singers. 
The odes were written between 502 and 452 B.C. 

Plutarch. {Plutarch'' s Lives of Illustrious Men. 3 vols. 
Lovell Company, New York.) Plutarch was a Boeotian like He- 
siod and Pindar, being born in Chaeronea about 50 a.d. He 
died in the reign of the emperor Hadrian (11 7-138). Trajan 
conferred the consular dignity upon him, and Hadrian, who had 



APPENDIX 345 

been his pupil, made him procurator of Greece. Up to the end of 
his Hfe he was archon and priest of Apollo in his native city. 
Among all that he wrote, his Lives of Illustrious Men — forty- 
six parallel lives in which a Greek is compared with a Roman, 
and four single Hves — are the most famous. For his Hves of the 
Greeks he drew from the writings of historians, poets, philosophers, 
orators, and geographers, some one hundred and thirty-one hav- 
ing been counted, while, doubtless, many more had been utilized. 
Much, or the most, of this material has been lost, and the historian 
goes to the lives of the Greeks by Plutarch to find traces of these 
lost records. Unfortunately, Plutarch was not a critical historian, 
and although his narrative is made of material gathered from other 
writers, he does not feel impelled at all times to name his source, 
and in borrowing does not always select the most valuable material. 
PoLYBius. {The Histories of Polyhius. Translated by Evelyn 
S. Shuckburgh, M.A. 2 vols. London, 1889.) Polybius of Mega- 
lopolis was born about 203 B.C. and died in the year 122 e.g. 
He was the son of Lycortas, who had occupied the posts of general 
and ambassador in the league, and from his youth up was in the 
thick of political affairs and acquainted with the business of the 
league. Associated in politics with his father from 181 to 168 
B.C., Polybius was sent on embassies, was elected hipparch in 
169 B.C., and became a leader among the Achaeans. His labors 
as an ambassador gave him opportunities to make the acquaint- 
ance of the rulers of the eastern world, the sovereigns of Egypt, 
Pergamum, Macedonia, and Syria, and of the generals of Rome. 
After the fall of Perseus of Macedonia, in 167, the Achaeans who 
were suspected by the Romans of sympathy with the Macedo- 
nians were taken to Italy, to the number of one thousand, and 
scattered through the cities of the peninsula, where they remained 
under surveillance for sixteen years. Among these men was 
Polybius. He was permitted to remain in Rome, where he en- 
joyed the friendship and protection of Scipio. In 151 less than 



346 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

three hundred of the exiles, all that remained of the one thousand, 
were permitted to return to Greece. Polybius took no part in 
the movement that led to war with Rome and to the final over- 
throw of the league in 146 B.C., but he was chosen by the Roman 
government to assist in the work of settling the affairs of the cities 
of the Peloponnesus and in explaining the new order of things to 
the Greeks. He conducted himself in such a way as to please 
both Greeks and Romans. Much impressed by the great changes 
that he had witnessed in the Mediterranean world, the rise of 
Rome as a world power, he determined to write the history of this 
great transformation. He was well prepared by his experience 
for such a task, and he spared no pains in informing himself con- 
cerning the facts from which he proposed to construct his history. 
He talked with survivors of the historic events, examined docu- 
ments, visited the sites of historic events, — tracing the march of 
Hannibal from Spain across the Alps, — and read the histories 
written by contemporaries. The history covered originally the 
period from 218 to 166 B.C., with an introduction treating of the 
first Carthaginian war, but was afterwards extended to 146 B.C. 
Much of the work has been lost. The first part was probably 
published before 146 B.C. 

Sophocles. {The Tragedies of Sophocles. By E. H. Plumptre, 
D.D., Boston.) Sophocles, the greatest of the Greek tragic 
poets, was born at Colonos, 495 B.C. He was thus a younger man 
than i^schylus and older than Aristophanes. He gained his first 
victory in tragedy in 468 B.C. — the year of the birth of Socrates, 
thirty years after the exhibition of the first tragedy of i^schylus 
and forty-one years before Aristophanes gained his first prize. The 
victory was won over ^schylus, whose popularity was passing 
away. Sophocles was said by the ancients to have composed one 
hundred and twenty-three plays; seven of these have survived. 
He was crowned twenty times. He is reported to have lived to the 
age of ninety and it is said that charged with imbecility by one of 



APPENDIX 347 

his sons who asked that a guardian be appointed for him, Sopho- 
cles defended himself successfully by reading to the judges a su- 
perb bit of his drama, (Edipus at Colonos, that he had just finished. 
The greatest of his tragedies are Antigone and (Edipus the King. 
Jebb says of the plays of Sophocles: '^The artistic side of the 
Periclean age is indeed represented by the plays of Sophocles in 
literature as by the Parthenon in architecture and sculpture. 
Sophoclean tragedy exhibits the same union of power with purity 
of taste, the same self-restraint, the same instinct of symmetry, 
which can still be admired in the remains of the temple." {The 
Growth and Influence of Classic Greek Poetry, p. 189.) 

Strabo. {The Geography of Strabo. Translated by Hamilton 
and Falconer. 3 vols. London, 1887.) Strabo was born in Cap- 
padocia about 50 B.C. and died in the latter part of the reign 
of Tiberius (14-37 a.d.). He travelled in Asia Minor, Syria, 
Egypt, Greece, and Italy, and lived a long time in Rome. The 
result of his travels and study was a great work on geography 
in seventeen books, the most of which have come down to us. 
Besides descriptions of the countries around the Mediterranean, 
the work contains a mass of valuable information, drawn from 
oral tradition, from observation, and from reading, concerning the 
history, manners and customs, rehgion, and institutions of the 
various peoples. It forms the chief source of information on 
Greek colonization. 

Thucydides. {The History 0} the Peloponnesian War. Trans- 
lated by Jowett. 2 vols. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1900.) Thu- 
cydides, the grandson of a Thracian prince, himself an Athenian 
citizen, was born about 460 B.C. and died before 399 B.C. In 
424 he commanded an Athenian fleet off the Thracian coast. 
Failing to prevent the Spartans from taking AmphipoHs at this 
time, he was banished from Athens, his exile lasting twenty years. 
Much of this time was passed on his estates in Thrace, some of 
it in Sparta and in travelling about. During his travels, in which 



348 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

he gathered material for the history of the Peloponnesian wars, 
he evidently visited Sicily. He himself states that at the outbreak 
of the war he realized that it was to be a great struggle, and deter- 
mined to write the history of it, watching its development, col- 
lecting information from eye-witnesses and other sources, and 
endeavoring to get at the truth of what was taking place. He prob- 
ably began to wTite at the close of the ten years' war, thinking the 
conflict was over. After his account of the first war was finished, 
war broke out again, and Thucydides again began the work of 
collecting. When the war was over he began the writing of the 
second part and, realizing that the whole struggle might be treated 
as one great war, he attempted to combine the two parts. He 
returned to Athens in 404 B.C. and made some changes in the first 
part of his work, making use of material, chiefly documents, that 
were not accessible to him during his exile. He never completed 
his history, and the latter part of what he wrote bears marks of 
haste or, at least, has the appearance of a first draft. 

TYRTi^us. {The Idylls of Theocritus , Bion, and Moschits, and 
the War-Songs oj Tyrtmis. Translated by the Rev. J. Banks, 
M.A. London, 1891.) Tyrtaeus, the composer of the war-songs 
sung by the Spartan soldiers, was born at Aphidnae in Attica about 
660 B.C. Almost nothing is known of him. The story goes that 
he was a lame schoolmaster and was sent to the Spartans by the 
Athenians when the Spartans asked for assistance in the Messenian 
wars. Whatever his birth or however he came to Sparta, he was 
thoroughly adopted by the Spartans, and his songs, as inspiring 
as a bugle call, undoubtedly contributed much to Spartan success 
on the battle-field. ''As a bard he was no mean leader of his 
adopted countrymen; for years afterward, their evening meals 
on their campaigns closed with the recitation of his spirit-stirring 
war-songs." 

Xenophon. {The Works 0} Xenophon. Translated by H. G. 
Dakyns, M.A. 4 vols. London, 1890.) The dates of the birth 



APPENDIX 



349 



and death of Xenophon are uncertain. He was born about 431 
B.C. and died about 354 B.C. Born in Athens, he passed his youth 
there and in the neighboring country. He was a devoted pupil 
of Socrates, deriving from direct contact with the great man the 
material that was later to form the Memorabilia. He took part in 
the expedition of Cyrus and led the retreat of the ten thousand 
Greeks to the Black Sea after the defeat and death of Cyrus. 
Joining the Spartan army in Asia Minor, he later crossed into 
Greece and fought against the Athenians at Coronea. Banished 
by the Athenians on account of this act, he was given by the 
Spartans an estate near Olympia, w^here he passed a number of 
years. He died in Corinth. Extracts have been made from three 
of the w^orks in this collection : The Hellenica, that is certainly the 
work of Xenophon; The Polity of the Lacedemonians, that is 
probably his; and The Polity of the Athenians, that has been at- 
tributed to him, but that is probably the work of an Athenian writ- 
ing about 424 B.C. The first work. The Hellenica, deaHng with 
Greek history from 411-362, consists of possibly three parts 
written at different times : the first, a continuation of the history 
of Thucydides to the fall of Athens, was probably written before 
401 B.C. at Athens, or after 394 B.C. in Sparta; the second part, to 
the peace of Antalcidas, was probably begun after 399 B.C. ; w^hile 
the third part was completed in 357 B.C. The Memorabilia was 
composed after 399 B.C. The extracts from this last work were 
taken from the Memorabilia of Socrates, Translated from the Greek 
of Xenophon. (The Temple Classics, J. M. Dent & Company, 
London, 1904.) The Polity of the Lacedemonians was evidently 
written between 387 and 375 B.C., while Xenophon was Hving 
in the Peloponnesus. . 



APPENDIX II 

REMARKS AND QUESTIONS ON THE ILLUSTRA- 
TIONS 

The illustrations should be studied in two ways: (i) as source 
material throwing light on the manners and customs of the Greeks, 
(2) as products of the Greek artist. In using the material in the 
first way, the illustrations and questions should be used in connec- 
tion with the printed sources. For example. Figures i, 2, 5, 11, 15, 
although of a later period, might be used in connection with the 
study of the manners and customs of primitive Greece. Wine 
was stored in jars, women went to the fountain for water, there 
were funeral monuments, Venus was the goddess of love, and rnen 
performed sacrifices at altars even in the early days of Greece. 
Figure 3 might be brought in with colonization, 7 in connection 
with the restoration of the walls of Athens after the Persian wars, 
13 in connection with ''Games," 17, 19, 23, 25 in connection with 
the study of the constitution of Athens, 6 in connection with the 
unification of Attica, 16, 18, 20, in connection with the Attic 
drama. In deaHng with the illustrations specifically as art 
products. Figures 4, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 21, 22, 24, might be studied 
in succession, one or more at a time, forming the conclusion of a 
lesson and, toward the end of the semester, two or three exercises 
might be given to art as a whole, the statues, the temples, the 
vases being studied in groups. The success-with which the sources 
are handled as Hterature and the illustrations as art will depend 
largely on the teacher. If these things appeal to him, he will 
succeed in creating an atmosphere about his work that will envelop 
the class before many weeks have passed. 

350 



APPENDIX II 351 

In the preparation of the notes upon the illustrations, I have 
drawn heavily on Gulick's The Life of the Ancient Greeks (D. 
Appleton & Co.) and Tarbell's A History of Greek Art (Mac- 
millan). Both of these excellent volumes should be on the 
teacher's desk. 

Fig. I. Greek Wine Jar. Frontispiece. The original is in 
the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford University. (From a photo- 
graph.) The jar is a stamnos, a variety of amphora (so-called 
from its two handles), and was used especially for storing wine. 
The normal stamnos has a capacity of about ten gallons. This 
stamnos dates from the latter part of the fifth century B.C. The 
Greek vases made of clay, says Gulick, ^^were painted with 
extraordinary care and beauty of design." 

QUESTIONS 

I. How many colors were used in the decoration of this jar? 2. De- 
scribe the decoration. 3. Was the composition of the group of figures 
influenced at all by the shape of the jar ? 4. Why did figures from Greek 
daily life lend themselves naturally to decorative work? 5. What can 
you learn, from the jar, of Greek life? 

Fig. 2. Group from a Funeral Monument. Facing page 22. 
The original is in the National Museum at Athens. (From a 
photograph.) ^'Beside the (burial) mound a monument was 
ordinarily reared ... a slab of stone or marble, sculptured in 
reHef, with a life-size portrait of the dead. The name of the dead, 
and sometimes of the friend w^ho erected the memorial, were 
inscribed near the rehef. . . . Many of them (reliefs), depicting 
some pleasant scene out of the home life of the departed, remain to 
testify to the kindlier and more affectionate traits of the Greek 
character." (Gulick, p. 297.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe the scene reproduced on the monument. 2. Are the 
figures ideal? 3. Point out what seems pleasing to you in the arrange- 



352 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

ment of the figures and the treatment of the draperies. 4. What can 
you learn from the monument about Greek Hfe? 

Fig. 3. An Official Letter on a Papyrus of the Third 
Century. Page 28. Original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford 
University. (From a photograph.) ^'For books were produced 
by handwriting on papyrus, an exceedingly light and perishable 
material derived from the biblos. This is a large reed or sedge that 
grew profusely in the shallow waters of Egypt. . . . Although it 
had to be transported from Egypt to Attica, the material could not 
have been very costly; and some of the poorer grades of manu- 
factured ' paper ' need not have been expensive. It was prepared 
by carefully unrolling the inner portion of the stem with a sharp 
knife. This brought to hand a thin and delicate strip or narrow 
sheet, which had to be reinforced by laying on it, transversely, 
another similar strip. The two were then pressed tightly together. 
If the juice of the plant was insufficient to make them join, a little 
paste was added. The surface was then made smooth and even 
and bleached in the sun. Sheets of this kind w^ere then pasted 
together at their edges to make long rolls. The whole of the 
Odyssey could be contained in a roll of ordinary width 150 feet 
long. . . . Each roll was called a biblion.'' (Gulick, p. 108.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was the original meaning of the word Bible? 2. How 
did the word get that meaning? 3. How did the Greek book differ 
from ours ? 4. Was it better or worse ? 5. How were the Greek books 
made? 6. What influence would the material and method of making 
a Greek book have upon the spread of knowledge ? 7. What differences 
do you notice between the appearance of this Greek letter and a modem 
letter? 

Fig. 4. Resting at a W^ayside Herm. Page 40. A terra-cotta 
figure. (From a photograph.) ''The protection of the gods 
was constantly evoked during a journey. On land, Apollo, 



APPENDIX II 



353 



Hermes, Hecate, and Heracles were the special guardian of the 
wayfarer; on the sea, Artemis and, above all, the twin Dioscuri, 
Castor and Polyduces. On reaching home safely, the traveller 
offered thanks in a sacrifice to one of the gods or to Zeus the 
Saviour and paid the vows he had made while abroad, often dedi- 
cating some object in the temple of the god." (Gulick, p. 261.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. What was a " Wayside Herm " ? 2. Why was it erected ? 3. How 
did it combine religion and utility? 4. Is this figure good artistically? 
5. What can you learn about Greek life from this statue? 

Fig. 5. Sculptured Drum of Column from Ephesus. Facing 
page 42. The original is in the British Museum. (From a photo- 
graph.) The material is w^hite marble and the figures are about 
Hfe-size. This base of a column was formerly part of a beautiful 
temple of Artemis built at Ephesus about 350 B.C. The temple, 
hidden by the deposits of centuries, was excavated in the latter 
half of the nineteenth century by an EngHshman, J. T. Wood, and 
this drum, with other reUcs, became the property of the British 
Museum. ^'The subject of the group is an unsolved riddle.'' 
(Tarbell, p. 235.) The figure on the right is the god Hermes. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe the figures on the drum. 2. Are they human figures? 
3. How are they attached to the drum ? 4. Note the adaptation of the 
figures to the curved surface, the relation of the figures to each other, and 
the handling of the drapery of the central figure. 

Fig. 6. Venus of Melos. Facing page 64. (From a photo- 
graph.) The original occupies a room by itself in the great 
museum of the Louvre at Paris. The walls of the room are tinted 
a deep red, and the figure, of heroic size, as befits a goddess, stands 
upon a black pedestal in the centre of the room. Silhouetted 
against the dark, rich background, the white statue seems a vision 



354 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

of beauty when marked for the first time down the long vista of 
rooms leading to it. The statue was found by accident in 1820 
in the island of Melos. It was bought by the French ambassador 
at Constantinople and presented to Louis XVIII. The date of its 
production is uncertain. It is probably an adaptation of a fourth 
century (b.c.) Venus. (Tarbell, p. 249.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. What connection has this statue with Greek religion? 2. What 
did the Greeks think their gods and goddesses were like? 3. Does any 
such relation exist to-day between statues and religion? 4. Did the 
Greeks worship the statue? 5. Note that the figure is of heroic size. 
Mark the simplicity of the treatment, the nobleness and repose of the 
features, the dignity of the pose of the figure, the naturalness of the hair, 
— a stray lock falling into the neck, — and the skill with which the 
drapery is chiselled. Note, too, the famous Greek profile, the forehead 
and nose forming a straight line. 

Fig. 7. The Acropolis of Athens from the South. Facing 
page 88. (From a photograph.) This great rock, rising from the 
midst of Athens, was the centre of its religious Hfe. Besides the 
beautiful Propylaea, or entrance on the west, there were, upon the 
summit of the rock, three temples, — the Parthenon, the Erectheum, 
and the temple of the W^ingless Victory — the great bronze statue 
of Athena and numberless statues, altars, and votive offerings. 
From the ruins that still remain and that draw each year to Athens 
thousands of art lovers from all parts of the world, we are able to 
imagine what an enchanted spot the summit of the AcropoHs must 
have been when these superb creations of Greek genius stood there 
in their fresh beauty, in the clear atmosphere, and under the blue 
skies of Attica. The most prominent and imposing building on 
the AcropoHs was the Parthenon, containing the gold and ivory 
statue of Athena. 



APPENDIX II 355 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe the Acropolis from the illustration. 2. For what was this 
citadel used? 3. What induced the Athenians to erect such works of 
art? 4. Has your own city any such collection of beautiful buildings 
and statues? 5. From an artistic point of view, was the Acropolis a 
good place for these beautiful temples? 

Fig. 8. Portion of the Themistoclean Wall. Page 97. 
(From a photograph.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. Where is the original of this illustration? 2. Describe the wall. 
3. Does an examination of the wall bear out what Thucydides wrote 
about the building of it ? 4. If you wanted to know how the wall was 
built, which would you choose, a photograph of the wall or Thucydides' 
description of the wall, if you could not have both? 5. Which would 
be the more valuable as evidence ? 6. Could you tell more about the 
building, if you had both the photograph and the description ? 

Fig. 9. East Front of the Parthenon, Restored and 
Dissected. Facing page no. (From a photograph.) This is a 
restoration and dissection intended to show how the Parthenon 
was constructed. ''The elevations of the most perfect of Doric 
buildings could not be drawn with a ruler. Some of the appar- 
ently straight lines are really curved. The stylobate (the upper- 
most stone of the base of the temple) is not level, but convex, the 
rise of the curve amounting to y^-g- of the length of the building; 
the architrave (the stone parallel to the stylobate and resting on 
the capitals) has also a rising curve, but slighter than that of the 
stylobate. . . . The columns slope inward and so do the principal 
surfaces of the building, w^hile the anta-capitals (capital of anta, 
or pilaster forming the termination of the wall of the temple) slope 
forw^ard.'' (Tarbell, p. no.) The shaft of the column does not 
form a truncated cone. "Instead of that, the shaft has an entasis, 
or swelling. Imagine a vertical section to be made through the 



356 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

middle of the column. If, then, the diminution of the shaft were 
uniform, the sides of this section would be straight lines. In 
reality, however, they are slightly curved lines, convex outward. 
This addition to the form of a truncated cone is the entasis. It is 
greatest at about one-third or one-half the height of the shaft, and 
there amounts, in cases that have been measured, to from -^^ to j^-^ 
of the lower diameter of the shaft." (Tarbell, p. 85.) Portions 
of the building were colored. "The colors used were chiefly dark 
blue, sometimes almost black, and red; green and yellow also 
occur, and some details were gilded. The coloration of the build- 
ing was far from total. Plain surfaces, as walls, were unpainted. 
So, too, were the columns, including probably their capitals, except 
betwxen the annulets (small, flat fillet encircling the column under 
the capital). Thus color was confined to the upper members — 
the triglyphs (furrowed blocks in the frieze), the under surface 
(soffit) of the cornice, the sima (gutter), the anta-capitals, the orna- 
mental details generally, the coffers of the ceiling, and the back- 
grounds of sculpture." (Tarbell, p. 106.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe the Parthenon, using also Figure 14. 2. Describe its 
construction. 3. In how many places do you notice ornamentation? 
4. Mediaeval and modern churches are larger than the Greek temple. 
Why, do you think? 5. Tarbell says, ''Simplicity in general form, 
harmony of proportion, refinement of line — these are the great features 
of Greek columnar architecture" (p. iii). Look at these two pictures 
(Figures 8 and 14) until you realize the meaning of those terms. 

Fig. 10. Northwest Corner of the Parthenon. Facing 
page 138. (From a photograph.) Read what was said under 
Figure 8 concerning color. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe a Doric column, using Figures 8 and 9. 2. In how many 
places is ornamentation applied to this building? 3. Describe the 



APPENDIX II 357 

different kinds of ornaments. 4. Draw the repeated figure in the 
ornaments of the gutter-facing and side of the building. 

Fig. II. Slab of the Parthenon Frieze (North). Facing 
page 162. Original in the British Museum. (From a photo- 
graph.) This frieze ran around the building (a portion of it can 
be seen in Figure 8, above the second row of columns), and repre- 
sented the procession of the great Panathenaic festival. It was 
executed under the direction of Phidias, the great sculptor. The 
figures are in low rehef. The larger part of the slabs have been 
taken away from Athens and adorn the walls of the British Mu- 
seum. Some of them are fairly well preserved, but none of them 
are in perfect condition. Enough remains to fill the world w^ith 
regret at what has been lost. 

QUESTIONS 

I. How many figures are there in this group? 2. How are they 
arranged? 3. Did the sculptor have a difficult task to perform in his 
attempt to show in low relief these horses three deep? 4. Why would 
you say that the group was characterized by the expression '' simplicity 
of treatment"? (Dress of men, harness of horses.) 5. Do the horses 
seem to be in motion ? The beauty of this sculptured procession, with 
its hundreds of figures of men, women, children, horses, oxen, and sheep 
is indescribable. In magnitude of conception and skill of execution 
it is without a peer in the remains of the world's sculpture. 

Fig. 12. Women at the Fountain. Page 173. British Mu- 
seum. (From a photograph.) Black-figured Volcantian hydria 
(water-jar) from Athens. Sixth century B.C. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What can you learn about Greek life from the group on this vase? 
2. Compare the dresses of the women on this vase with the dress of the 
women in Figure i. 3. Why do they differ? 4. Describe the grouping 
of the figures. 5. Why does the subject lend itself naturally to vase 
decoration ? 6. Where have you seen a design with a repeated figure 
similar to that in the lower border? 



358 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Fig. 13. The Erectheum. (From a photograph.) Facing 
page 188. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Where did the Erectheum stand? 2. Compare this temple with 
the Parthenon, noting the differences. 3. Describe the Erectheum. 

4. What portion do you think remarkably beautiful? 5. The column 
of the Erectheum is Ionic. How does the Doric. column differ from it? 

Fig. 14. Games. Facing page 212. (From photographs.) 
These designs were taken from Greek vases. The upper group is 
from a red-figured hydria of the early fifth century. The men are 
''entering for the horse and chariot races." The original is in 
Munich. The middle group is from a red-figured cyHx (drinking 
cup, w^ith shallow bowd, two handles and base) of the early fifth 
century. The original is in the Edward Jekyll collection. The 
men on the left are wrestling, those on the right are marking out a 
course. The lowxr group, ''racing in armor," is from a red- 
figured cylix in Berlin. 

QUESTIONS 

I. What can you learn about Greek games from these vase decora- 
tions? 2. About Greek dress? 3. Trace the groups on white paper, 
paint the figures (the white portions) terra-cotta, the background black, 
with water colors. After the paint has dried, go over the black back- 
ground with shellac. 4. How many horses are attached to the chariot ? 

5. Why is the driver represented as entering the chariot instead of stand- 
ing in it? 6. Notice the skill with which the figures are grouped on the 
middle and lower vases and the varieties of graceful attitudes introduced. 
On the middle vase, the umpire and the wrestlers form one group, the 
youth on the right another, but the two figures on the right are turned 
toward the centre, and the umpire, or central figure, seems to bind the 
two groups together. Notice the grace in the pose of the figures. The 
manner in which the figures in the lower group are arranged is even more 
interesting.* The interlacing of legs and arms not only gives the im- 
pression of rapid movement but produces unity in the group. The 



APPENDIX II 359 

central figure, with right arm extended, struggles to overtake the leader, 
meanwhile glancing over his shoulder at the man behind him. It is a 
lively portrayal of a race. 

Fig. 15. Temple of Poseidon (?) at Paestum. Facing page 
236. (From a photograph.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe this temple. 2. Is it a Doric or an Ionic temple? 
3. How many columns are there in. the building? 4. Where were the 
ornaments, originally, on the building? 

Fig. 16. Altar of Dionysus. Page 239. (From a photograph.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. For what purpose was this altar probably used? 2. What is the 
scene sculptured on its side? 3. Do you recall any extract from the 
Iliad that would prove that the Greeks engaged in such practices as this 
altar portrays? 4. Who was Dionysus? 5. What are altars used for 
to-day? 

Fig. 17. The Platform (Bema) on the Pnyx, Athens. 
Page 265. (From a photograph.) '^It was, hov^ever, in the popu- 
lar assembly or ecclesia that the will of the sovereign people found 
its chief expression. . . . The attendance of six thousand, or 
about one-fifth of the male citizens, was required to transact cer- 
tain kinds of business. . . . The sessions of the ecclesia were 
ordinarily held on the hill outside the town called the Pnyx; 
sometimes in the agora or the Dionysiac theatre." (Gulick, 
pp. 208, 209.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. How did this general assembly place of Athenian people differ from 
a modem hall of legislation ? 2. What light do these differences throw 
on the length of the session and the amount of business transacted? 
3. How many citizens were there in Athens? 4. Could a modem 
legislature work successfully under the conditions that the Athenian 
assembly found satisfactory? 5. To what are these differences due? 



360 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

Fig. 18. PosiDiPPUS. Facing page 280. The original is in 
the Vatican Museum in Rome. (From a photograph.) The 
statue is probably of the early part of the third century. ^^Posi- 
dippus was an Athenian dramatist of the so-called New Comedy. 
. . . The preservation of the statue is extraordinary; there is 
nothing modern about it except the thumb of the left hand. It 
produces strongly the impression of being an original work and also 
of being a speaking likeness. It may have been modelled in the 
actual presence of the subject.'' (Tarbell, p. 252.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. What is the difference between this statue and that of the Venus of 
Melos? 2. Why is the left hand raised? 3. What do you imagine 
Posidippus has in his right hand ? 4. Is the pose of the figure a natural 
one, or does Posidippus look as if he were "having his picture taken''? 
5. What can you learn about Greek manners and customs from the 
statue ? 

Fig. 19. A Decree of the Council and of the Popular 
Assembly. Page 285. (From a photograph.) An inscription of 
about 450 B.C., relating to the building of the temple of Wingless 
Victory on the Acropolis. 

QUESTIONS 

I. On what kind of material was this decree preserved? 2. Why was 
it not written on papyrus ? 3. What is the difference between the letters 
used here and those used on the sheet of papyrus (Figure 17) ? 4. How 
would a modem printed page have to be changed to make it look like 
this inscription? 5. Print Question 4 to illustrate the change. How 
many of the letters in the Greek inscription look familiar? 

Fig. 20. A Musical Contest between Apollo and Marsyas. 
Page 295. (From a photograph.) 



APPENDIX II 361 

QUESTIONS 

I. What musical instruments appear in this scene? 2. Which 
figure is Apollo? 3. Which Marsyas? 4. Why was a third figure 
introduced? 5. Describe the scene. 6. In what light does the artist 
make Marsyas appear? 7. What was the result of the contest (see 
dictionary of mythology) ? 8. Does the dress differ from what you have 
seen in other illustrations ? 

Fig. 21. Entablature and Upper Part of Column from 
THE Mausoleum. Facing page 302. The original is in the British 
Museum. (From a photograph.) Ionic. 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe this entablature. 2. Describe the portion of the column 
that is visible. 3. Compare this entablature and column with the 
** Northwest Comer of the Parthenon," noting differences. 4. Which 
appears to 70U to be the more beautiful ? 5. What are the characteris- 
tics of the Ionic style of architecture? 

Fig. 22. The Victory of Samothrace. Facing page 318. 
(From a photograph.) The original is in the Louvre in Paris and 
is one of the most impressive objects in that marvellous collection. 
It stands on a landing at the head of a grand staircase leading to the 
second floor of the museum. As the visitor mounts the staircase, 
the heroic figure with its mighty wings towxrs above him, and before 
he has reached the platform on w^hich it stands, the beauty and 
grandeur of this noble Greek statue has been indelibly impressed 
upon his mind. The stone pedestal on which the figure rests 
represents the prow of a ship. The statue was discovered in 
1863 i^ ^^^ island of Samothrace. It was in fragments. The 
pedestal was found in 1875. The statue was probably dedicated 
shortly after 306 B.C. to commemorate a naval victory won by 
Demetrius over Ptolemy in that year. From a coin of the same 
period we learn what the perfect statue w^as like. ^^The goddess 
held a trumpet to her lips with her right hand and in her left carried 



362 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

a support such as was used for the erection of a trophy. The ship 
upon which she has just ahghted is conceived as under way, and 
the fresh breeze blows the garments back in tumultuous folds." 
(Tarbell, p. 249.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. What is this statue supposed to represent? 2. Where is the 
figure supposed to be standing? 3. Could you tell this from a 
study of the figure ? 4. Why is the body encircled by a rope ? 5. Why 
has the figure wings? 6. Could you tell from a study of the figure in 
which hand it held the trumpet? 7. Do we make statues to-day to 
represent Love, War, Liberty, etc. ? 

Fig. 23. Theatre at Epidaurus. Page 329. (From a photo- 
graph.) '^Temples abounded in Greece. Every considerable 
city and many a smaller place had at least one, and the ruins of these 
structures rank with temples and walls of fortifications among the 
commonest classes of ruins in Greek lands." (Tarbell, p. in.) 
^'Finally the theatre exercised an absorbing influence in forming 
the lives and characters of Athenians. Its educative power was 
greater than can be measured to-day, for it sprang from the popular 
religion. Both religion and the state, therefore, — the two were 
virtually one in antiquity, — united in its support, and every per- 
formance in the theatre recalled to the citizen his dependence upon 
both, his obhgation to both. Attendance at the dramatic contests 
was the duty and the privilege of all citizens, even the poorest; 
for these a fund was provided by the state in the last years of the 
fifth century, which insured them not only a free ticket, but also 
spending money for the holiday. . . . The performance of a play 
was not an every-day occurrence. In Athens it was confined to 
two festivals held every year in honor of Dionysus." (GuHck, 
pp. 112, 113.) 



APPENDIX II 363 

QUESTIONS 

I. Describe this theatre. 2. How did it differ from a modem thea- 
tre? 3. Were the performances given at night? 4. How did it com- 
pare in size with the modem theatre? 5. Does the theatre occupy the 
same place in the Hfe of the people of this country that it did in the life 
of the Greek people ?• 6. How do you explain this difference? 7. Was 
the theatre more generally attended in the days of ancient Greece than 
among us to-day? 

Fig. 24. Portrait of a Young Woman. Facing page 336. 
Graf Collection, Vienna. (From a photograph.) Found in the 
Fayyum, Egypt, between 1886 and 1896. It dates from the second 
century a.d. It is painted on a wooden panel and was originally 
attached to a mummy. It is one of ''the best examples of Greek 
painting that has come down to us. In spite of the great inferiority 
of the encaustic technique (in encaustic painting, wax w^as mixed 
w^ith the color and afterw^ard fused with a hot iron to fix the color) 
to that of oil painting, this picture is not unw^orthy of comparison 
with the great portraits of modern times." (Tarbell, p. 288.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. Why was this portrait attached to a mummy? 2. How long after 
the time of Pericles was this portrait painted? 3. Is it a Greek face? 
4. Why is it called ''an example of Greek painting," if it was done in 
Egypt? 5. Do we know that it was done in Egypt? 6, W^ould you 
imagine from the girl's dress that she lived two thousand years ago? 
7. What is the most striking thing about the face? 

Fig. 25. A Citizen with His Sons. Page ^i^^. The elder is 
on his w^ay to join the cavalry. Red-figured stamnos of the early 
fifth century. (From a photograph.) 

QUESTIONS 

I. How does the dress in this group differ from the dress that you have 
examined in other groups? 2. Is the horse as well drawn as the men ? 



364 SOURCE BOOK OF GREEK HISTORY 

3. Does he look strong enough to carry his rider? 4. Are all the figures 
supposed to be in motion? 5. In what other ways might these figures 
be grouped ? 6. What is the color of the figures on the original vase ? 

GENERAL QUESTIONS 

I. Where are the examples of Greek art that we have studied to be 
found to-day? 2. In what state of preservation are they? 3. In what 
century were the most of them produced? 4. Name the illustrations 
that represent Greek painting. 5. From what objects were they taken ? 
6. How many colors were used for the most part? 7. How would 
Greek vase painting differ from modem china painting ? 8. How many 
kinds of Greek vases have been mentioned in these studies? 9. With 
what subjects did the Greek sculptor deal ? 10. Name and describe 
the statues that you have studied. 11. What two kinds of Greek 
architecture have you studied? 12. Name examples of each kind. 
13, What is the difference between them? 



INDEX 



Achaeans, i, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 
18, 20, 31, 46, 54; federal 
assembly of, 331, 335; league, 
330-338; refuse money of Eu- 
menes, 332, S33- 

Achilles, 10, 13, 15, 20. 

Acrisius, 46. 

Acropolis, 93, 109; seized by Pisis- 
tratus, 90. 

y^gospotami, battle of, 232-234. 

y^olians, 45. 

i^schylus, description of the battle 
of Salamis, 122-126. 

^tna, ss. 

Agamemnon, 14, 15, 17, 18, 20, 21. 

Agesilaus, 154, 263, 270, 279; in 
Asia Minor, 250-251; training 
of army, 250; at battle of Coro- 
nea, 252. 

Agis, 236. 

Alcibiades, 230-232; return to 
Athens, 230-232 ; at i^gospo- 
tami, 233. 

Alcmaionidae, 41, 93, 104. 

Alexander, at Plataea, 130; at 
battle of Issus, 279-299; con- 
quests of, 296-315; wounded, 
321-324; kills Clitus, 318-320; 
death of, 325-328; appearance 
and character, 328; in pursuit 
of Darius, 316, 317; at Arbela, 
309-315; at siege of Tvre, 300- 
308. 

Alkmene, 53. 

Alpheos, 52. 

Amphictyons, 41, 43, 45, 46. 

Amyclae, 54. 

Anacreon, 92. 

Anaxandrides, 39. 

Antalcidas, 255; peace of, 257- 
260. 



Apollo, 12, 30, 50, 61; temples of , 

29> 36, 55> 64; hymn to, 48. 
ApoUodorus, 59. 
Apollonia, 36. 

Arabians, 98; armor of, 106. 
Aratus, 330, 336, 337. 
Arbela, battle of, 308-316. 
Arcadia, 54. 
Arcadians, 54. 
Archelaus, 54. 
Archias, 31, 34, 266, 267. 
Archidamus, 186, 280. 
Archons, 79, 80; oath of, 82. 
Areopagus, 80, 81, 84. 
Areopagus, after Persian wars, 

152. 

Argos, Argohs, 6, 21, 45, 54, 55. 

Argives, 14, 15, 17, 54, 55, 88. 

Ariamenes, 121. 

Aristarcha, 30. 

Aristides, 146, 152. 

Aristion, 90. 

Aristobulus, 296. 

Aristogeiton, loi. 

Aristophanes, the Acharnians, 164- 
174. 

Aristotle, 59-61. 

Army, Persian, 105-108; Spartan, 
250; of Darius, 308 ; of Spartans, 
112-113. 

Athena, 91. 

Athenians, 32, 48, 89, 99, 100, loi, 
102, 103; families expelled, 93 
consult oracle at Delphi, 108; at 
Mycale, 138; policy toward 
allies, 157-159; at Sphacteria, 
194-204; constitution, 77-97. 

Athens, 78, 92, 41, 44, 45. 5i> 52 ; rise 
of, 54-97; supremacy of, 144- 
1 73 ; rebuilding of city and walls, 
144-147; fall of, 234-238. 



365 



366 



INDEX 



Atreus, 14, 17, 18, 20. 

Attica, 78, 89; unification of, 77, 

78. 

Aurora, 25. 
Avengers, 2. 

Babyca, 61. 

Bactrians, 106. 

Boeotians, 45. 

Bolbitine, 38. 

Bosporians, 35. 

Bucolium, 79. 

Burial, 21. 

Byzantines, Byzantium, 36, 37, 38. 

Callicrates, 334. 

Callimachus, 38, loi, 102. 

Calypso, II, 12. 

Candaules, 41. 

Canethus, 36. 

Carthage, war with, 142, 143. 

Carthaginians, 39. 

Caspians, armor of, 106. 

Castalian fountain, 42. 

Catana, 33, 34. 

Cecrops, 77. 

Centaurs, 10. 

Ceres, 27, 46. 

Chalcedonians, 38. 

Chalcidians, 30, 33, 36. 

Chalcis, 36. 

Charon, 267. 

Chersonesus, 37. 

Cimon, 150, 151, 154. 

Cirphis, 42. 

Cirrha, 42. 

Cleisthenes, 93, 94 ; reforms of, 

270-274. 
Cleomenes, 39, 92, 93. 
Cleon, 195-203 ; at Sphacteria, 

197-204. 
Clitus, death of, 318-320. 
Cnacion, 61. 

Colchians, armor of, 107. 
Collyttus, 91. 
Colonization, 29-40. 
Columna Rheginorum, 33. 
Confederacy of Delos, 1 48-151. 
Conon, 234, 254, 256. 



Constitution, Athenian, before 
Draco, 78-80; under Draco, 80, 
81 ; after Persian wars, 152-156; 
under Solon, 81-86. 

Convention, Pylaean, 46. 

Copais, 45. 

Corinth, 29, 45, 51. 

Corcebus, 47. 

Coronea, battle of, 252-254. 

Croesus, 43, 44. 

Crotona, 30, 31, 34. 

Cuphagoras, 104. 

Cyanus, 17, 36, 37. 

Cyaxares, 38. 

Cyrena, 38. 

Cytherea, 55. 

Cyzicus, 37. 

Damaretus, 47. 

Danube, 35. 

Darius, pursuit of, by Alexander, 

316-317; at Arbela, 309-315; 

at battle of Issus, 298, 299, 300. 
Delphi, 30, 34, 43, 45, 48, 52, 61, 

64 ; oracle of, 39, 42, 44 ; temple 

of, 41, 42, 50- 
Demaratus, 112. 

Demarchs, under Cleisthenes, 95. 
Demeter, 24, 25. 
Demiurgi, 330. 
Demosthenes, in wSicilian expedition, 

215, 220-228; at Sphacteria, 

197-202. 
Deucalion, 45. 
Diana, temple of, 29. 
Diary, extracts from Alexander's, 

325-326. 
Dicaearchia, 30. 
Dionysius, 257. 
Dionysus, 80. 
Dorians, S3y 54- 
Doris, 45» 5^- 
Doryklos, 51. 
Draco, 80, 82. 

Egypt, 56, 65. 

Elections, under Solon, 83. 
Eleusinian Demeter, 139. 
Eleusinians, 78. 



INDEX 



367 



Elis, 48. 

Elysian plain, 22. 

Epaminondas, attacks Sparta, 278, 
279, 280, 281, 283. 

Ephialtes, attacks council of Areop- 
agus, 154. 

Ephors, 62, 73, 76. 

Ephorus, 31, 33, 34. 

Eretria, 36, 88, 89, 91, 99, 100, 
103.^ 

Ethiopians, armor of, 106. 

Euboea, 33^ 45- 

Euripus, 36. - 

Euxine, 37. 

Family life, 1-7. 

Farmer, 23-28. 

Festival, Ephesian, 48; Syncecia, 

Fisheries, 36. 

Games, Delian, 48; Ephesian, 48; 

Isthmian, 29, 48; Nemean, 48; 

Olympian, 47; Pythian, 49-50. 
Gelon, 142, 143. 
Geryon, 53. 

God, 9, 51, 52, 163, 164. 
Greek life and thought reflected in 

drama, 159-172. 
Greek life, unification of, 41-53. 
Gyges, 37, 41, 43-. 
Gylippus, in Sicilian expedition, 

214, 215, 220, 223-228. 

Hades, 7, 22. 

Haliartus, 45. 

Hectemori, 78. 

Hector, 21 ; parting from Androm- 
ache, 6-7. 

Hekabe, 6. 

Hellas, 52. 

Hellenes, at Mycale, 1 37-141. 

Hellotia, 52. 

Helots, 65. 

Hephaestos, 21. 

Hera, 19, 20. 

Heralds, 88. 

Herippidas, at battle of Coronca, 
253- 



Hermocratcs, 219. 

Herodotus, description of battle of 

Salamis, 1 18-120. 
Hipparchus, 41, 92, 96. 
Hippias, 41, 88, 92, 99, 100, loi. 
Hippocrates, 99. 
Homer, 60. 
Hydarnes, 107. 

lapyges, 31. 

Iberians, 34. 

Icarius, i, 2. 

Icarus, 37. 

Ilios, 6, 7, 12, 15. 

lUyria, 35. 

"Immortals," 107, 114. 

Indians, armor of, 106. 

Infantry, Laconian, 74. 

lolaos, 53. 

lonians, ;^3, 48. 

Iphicrates, 257, 270. 

Isagoras, 93, 94. 

Ismenias, 261, 262, 263, 264. 

Issus, battle of, 298-300. 

Ister, 36. 

Isthmian games, 29, 48. 

Isthmos, 52, 53. 

Jason, 49. 

Jove, 24. 

Jupiter Hellanius, 61. 

Kadmos, 53. 
Kalchas, 12. 
Kastor, 53. 
Kimon, 99. 
Knight, 81, 83. 
Kronion, 19, 20. 
Kronos, 15, 19. 

Lacedaemon, 53, 58. 

Lacedaemonians, 32, 39, 42, 54, 
55, 100, 112, 113; burial cus- 
toms, 65; at Thermopylae, 114; 
send embassy to Athens to pre- 
vent wall building, 144; sur- 
render at Sphacteria, 200- 
202. 

Laconia, 55, 56, 63. 



368 



INDEX 



Laertes, 4, 9. 

Land, division of, by Lycurgus, 

62-63; under Draco, 81. 
Leonidas, at Thermopylae, 112, 

115-117. 
Leontiades, 261, 262, 263, 268. 
Leuctra, battle of, 269-275. 
Libya, 39, 56. 
Lochagoi, 74. 
Locri Ozolae, 42. 
Locrians, 45, 51. 
Long Walls, 177. 
Lycoreia, 42. 
Lycurgus, 86, 87, 91; reforms of, 

60-63 J views on education, 68 ; 

laws of living, 69 ; council of 

elders, 71. 
Lydians, 41, 44. 
Lygdamis, 47, 90, 92. 
Lysander, 235-238; at y^gos- 

potami, 232-234. 
Lysicrates, 155. 

Macedonia, 36, 45. 
Macedonians, in India, 321-324; 
at siege of Tyre, 303, 305, 306, 

307- 
Magistrates, Athenian, king, 79 ; 

archons, 8^; areopagus, 80; 

treasurers, 83; poletae, 8^. 
Magna Graecia, ^^. 
Maleae, cape, 29. 
Mantinea, battle of, 280-285. 
Marathon, 51, 96, 89, 99, 103, 104, 

100. 
Mardonius, 126; at Plataea, 128. 
Mardontes, 141. 
Maroneia, mines of, 96. 
Marseilles, 29, 30. 
Medes, loi, 102, 103. 
Megacles, 86, 87, 88, 90, 91. 
Megara, s^y 45. 87. 
Menander, 215. 
Mercenary troops, 88, 273; Greek 

mercenaries at Tyre, 301. 
Messenia, 32. 
Messenians, 30, 55. 
Methone, 55. 
Midas, 43. 



Milesians, false guides at Mycale, 

141; fortress of, 35-38. 
Miletus, 37. 
Milo, 31. 

Miltiades, 99, loi, 102, 
Minerva Hellania, 61. 
Mount Athos, 36. 
Munychia, 92. 
Mycale, battle of, 137-141. 

Naples, 30. 

Naucrari, 8^, 95 

Naucratis, 38. 

Nauplia, 55. 

Nausicaa, 5, 6. 

Naxos, ss, 34, 88, 90, 92. 

Neapolis, 30. 

Nemea, 51, 52. 

Neptune, temple of, 45. 

Nestor, 13, 14. 

Nicias, 196; peace of, 207-210; 

in Sicilian expedition, 214-220, 

222-224. 

Odysseus, 8, 9, 11, 13, 15, 16, 18,, 
22. 

Olympia, 48. 

Olympiad, 47. 

Olympic games, 31, 59, 60. 

Olympus, 13, 18, 197 

Olynthiac, 286-288. 

Olynthus, 36. 

Oncestus, 45. 

Oracles, 64, 92 ; before Ther- 
mopylae, 108, 109 {see Delphi) ; 
Pythian, 41, 42; Abae of Phocis, 
43 ; Dodona, 43 ; Amphiarios, 
43 ; Trophonios, 43 ; Branchidae 
of Milesia, 129. 

Ostracism, 96. 

Palaemon, 48. 
Pallene, 36, 91. 
Pan, 100. 
Pancratium, 47. 
Panticapaeum, 35. 
Paralus, 234. 
Parnassus, 42. 
Partheniae, 32. 



INDEX 



369 



Pausanias, general, at Plataea, 131 ; 
corrupted by Persians, 148, 149; 
marches against Athens, 235. 

Pausanias, historian, 54, 55. 

Peace, of Antalcidas, 257-260; of 
Nicias, 207-210. 

Peisandros, 17. 

Pelargic wall, 93. 

Peleus, 13. 

Pelimades, 36, 37. 

Peloponnesians, at Plataea, 191- 
194; at Thermopylae, 112. 

Peloponnesian war, 174-240. 

Peloponnesus, 30, 88. 

Pelorias, gulf of, ^^. 

Penelope, i. 

Pentacosiomedimnus, 81, 8^. 

Pentathlon, 47. 

Penteconters, 74. 

Pericles, changes law courts, 156; 
in Peloponnesian war, 176; fu- 
neral oration of, 176-186. 

Perseus, watch tow^er of, 38. 

Persia, the arbiter in the affairs of 
Greece, 254-256. 

Persians, 65 ; customs of, 98, 99 ; 
at Salamis, 120, 121; tragedy 
of, ^schylus, 122-126; luxury 
of 133-135; at Mycale, 137- 
141. 

Phalanx, Macedonian, 297-298. 

Phaleric wall, 177. 

Phaleron, 104. 

Pharis, 54. 

Pharnabazus, 258. 

Pheidippides, 100. 

Philip, 36. 

Philippic, the Second, 288-294. 

Phocaeans, 29, 30. 

Phocis, 42, 45. 

Phoebidas, 261, 262. 

Phoenicians, at siege of Tyre, 302, 
306. 

Phoenix, river, 46. 

Phrygia, 43. 

Phyllidas, 266-268. 

Pindar, odes of, 51-53. 

Piraeus, situation of, 147. 

Pisistratidae, 41, 42. 



Pisistratus, 86-92, 99, 100. 

Pithecussaeans, 30. 

Plague, at Athens, 186-19 1. 

Plataeans, 102, 103. 

Plato, 60, 62. 

Pleistus, river, 42. 

Plutarch, description of battle of 

Salamis, 120-122. 
Polemarch, 74, 79, 96, loi. 
Polydorus, 61, 63. 
Priesthoods, 63. 
Primitive Greek society, 1-28. 
Propontis, 37. 
Prytanes, 81. 
Prytaneum, 80. 
Prytanis, 54, 55. 
Psammatichus, 38. 
Ptolemy, 50, 296, 299. 
Pylae, 46. 
Pylagoras, 46. 
Pylos, 14. 
Pythagoras, 31. 
Pythian, 41, 42, 64; games, 42; 

princess, 43 ; oracle, 44. 
Pytho, 53. 

Rhadamanthus, 22. 
Rhegium, 30, 33. 
Rhetra, 61, 62. 

Sacrifices, 20, 21, 49, 75; at Car- 
thage, 143; Persian, 98. 
Saitic Nome, ^8. 
Salamis, 97, 118. 
Samos, 51. 
Scepsis, 37. 
Schedia, ^8. 

Scythians, armor of, to6. 
Seisachtheia, 82, 85. 
Senate, 60. 
Sestos, 144. 

Sicilian expedition, 211-229. 
Sicilian strait, 29. 
Sicily, ss, 34. 
Sicyon, 45. 
Simonides, 92. 
Sinope, 36, 37. 
Sirius, 25. 
Slavery, 78, 81. 



:)/ 



o 



INDEX 



Socrates, charges against, 240; 
mode of living, 241-242; method 
of teaching, 246-248; religious 
iK'liefs, 24S. 

Solon, 81-85, go; poems of, S2, 
84-86. 

Sophocles, extracts from CEdipus the 
'^'".^» i59"> from CEdipus at 
Colonos, 160; from Antigone, 
161; from Elect ra, 161; frag- 
ments, 162-164. 

Sparta, rise of, 54-Q7; conquest of 
Peloponnesus, 54-58; society, 
58; division of iand, 63; kings, 
63, 64; supremacy of, 250-265; 
education of youth, 66-68; cus- 
toms, 66-73; soldier, 73, 74; at 
Thermopyhe, 11 5-1 17; seize 
citadel of Thebes, 261-264. 

Sjjhacteria, siege of, 194-204. 

Stesagoras, 99. 

Strategi, 81, 330. 

Styrians, 100. 

Sunion, 103, 104. 

Sybaris, 30-32. 

Syncecia, festival of, 78. 

Syracuse, 31-34, 47. 

Tarcntum, 32. 

Tauromcnium, 33. 

Temple, of Ceres Amphictyonis, 
46; of Amphictyon, 46; of 
Artemis Limnas, 55 ; of Heracles, 
104; of Artemis, 1 1 i ; of Hera, 
137; of Apollo, 270. 

Terillos, desjx)t of Himera, 142. 

Thebans, invade Laconia, 276- 

278. 

ThelK's, 53; lilx?ration of, 266-269; 

supremacy of, 266-285. 
Themistocles, 96, no, i ^2. 1 ^4 ; 

at Salamis, 1 18-122. 
Theopompus, 61. 
Thera, 38. 
The ra nunc s, 237. 
Thermopyhe, 46, in. 
Theron, 142. 



Thersites, 15. 

Theseus, 77, 78. 

Thesmophoria, festival of, 262. 

Thesmothetae, 79. 

Thessaly and Thessalians, 45, 50. 

Thracians, armor of, 107. 

Thrasybulus, 257. 

Thucydides, description of plague 

at Athens, 186-190. 
Thurii, 32. 
Tigranes, 137, 141. 
Timaeus, 60. 
Timocrates, 251. 
Timon, 109. 
Timosthenes, 50. 
Tiribazus, 255-259. 
Tiryns, 51. 
Tisander, 93. 
Tithraustes, 251. 
Trachis, in. 

Treasurers, Hellenic at Delos, 149. 
Treasuries, 42, 46. 
Trojans, 6, 7, 10, 18, 20; Trojan 

war, 7,7,. 
Truce of 423 B.C., 204-207. 
Tyrant, Hippias, 41, 86-94; Hip- 

parchus, 92, 93. 
Tyre, siege of, 300-308. 
Tyrrheni, 7,7,. 
Tyrtaeus, 62. 

War, in the i^gean, 230-238; 
Corinthian war, 251-260; Pelo- 
ponnesian, 174-239; Sicilian ex- 
pedition, 211-229; with Persians, 
99-142; with Carthage, 142, 143. 

War-songs, of Tyrtaeus, 56-58. 

Xerxes, 106; at Thermopylae, 
112; at Salamis, 120. 

Zanclaeans, 30. 
Zancle, 33. 
2^'j)hyrium, 34. 
Zeugites, 83. 

Zeus, 7, 13, 18, 19, 20, 21, 52, 98; 
Lakedaimon, 63. 






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